Current Search: Foreign Policy (x)
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- Title
- Elements of Azeri's Independent Foreign Policy: Energy, Geography, and Global Powers Rivalry.
- Creator
-
Vera Muniz, Omar, Sadri, Houman, Morales, Waltraud, Li, Quan, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
-
This work applies geopolitical concepts to elucidate how geography, energy, and rivalries among global powers affect the Azeri foreign policy. This research work uses a deductive method of qualitative research and a longitudinal analysis of qualitative variables.This study first reviews the most significant academic works in the field to delineate the framework of Azerbaijani foreign policy. Next, it discusses the geographical features of the Azeri landlocked territory and its influence over...
Show moreThis work applies geopolitical concepts to elucidate how geography, energy, and rivalries among global powers affect the Azeri foreign policy. This research work uses a deductive method of qualitative research and a longitudinal analysis of qualitative variables.This study first reviews the most significant academic works in the field to delineate the framework of Azerbaijani foreign policy. Next, it discusses the geographical features of the Azeri landlocked territory and its influence over foreign policy. Then the study presents how Azerbaijan uses its energy as a leverage tool in its foreign policy. The fourth chapter analyzes the current competition between two global powers, the US and Russia, for influence over Azeri oil and gas resources, seeking to balance the power in the South Caucasus and Central Asian regions. Finally, this research work lists the findings, showing that the Azeri foreign policy is affected by geography, energy, and global power competition variables. The transit states that encircle the landlocked territory of Azerbaijan reduce the Azeri ability to export its energy resources to international markets. The economic and political involvement of foreign companies and states in the Azeri energy industry also reduces the economic and political independence of Azerbaijan. The competition between the US and Russia for influence over the Azeri territory and its energy resources also affects the foreign policy of Azerbaijan. Thus, in order to achieve economic, political, and military stability, Azerbaijan has to be constantly balancing regional and global powers.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2012
- Identifier
- CFE0004449, ucf:49358
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0004449
- Title
- The Role of Tactical Nuclear Weapons in American China Policy: 1950-1963.
- Creator
-
Poppino, James, Zhang, Hong, Foster, Amy, Lyons, Amelia, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
-
This study demonstrates that tactical nuclear weapons occupied a central and essential role in US military policy for confronting the Peoples Republic of China between 1950 and 1963. Historians seldom look at tactical nuclear weapons as a separate and distinct component of American foreign policy and generally place these weapons as a subset of a strategic doctrine directed at the Soviet Union. When examined as a separate component of military policy, however, tactical nuclear weapons proved...
Show moreThis study demonstrates that tactical nuclear weapons occupied a central and essential role in US military policy for confronting the Peoples Republic of China between 1950 and 1963. Historians seldom look at tactical nuclear weapons as a separate and distinct component of American foreign policy and generally place these weapons as a subset of a strategic doctrine directed at the Soviet Union. When examined as a separate component of military policy, however, tactical nuclear weapons proved to be indispensable tools for the American leadership to deal with the complex relationship between the United States, the People's Republic of China and the Republic of China (Taiwan). Such weapons allowed each of the three administrations examined in this study (Harry Truman's, Dwight Eisenhower's and John Kennedy's) to commit the United States to defense obligations that would otherwise have been impossible. As these weapons developed from their infancy in the late 1940s through a number of aggressive field deployments in the 1950s, US presidents repeatedly turned to tactical nuclear weapons when considering their military options for confronting China. The role of tactical nuclear weapons strengthened with each passing presidency and with each crisis between China and the United States. From these crises, tactical nuclear weapons evolved from inefficient weapons systems of Korean War policy, to a key element of a defensive military policy to contain China, and, in their final iteration, as an instrument that not only to assured containment, but was also considered as a possible method of depriving China from obtaining its own nuclear weapons.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2016
- Identifier
- CFE0006163, ucf:51118
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0006163
- Title
- U.S. FOREIGN POLICY TOWARD NORTH KOREA: 1945 TO PRESENT.
- Creator
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Derewiany, Andrew, Jewett, Aubrey, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
-
The foreign policy of the United States of America toward the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK), commonly known as North Korea, has an important role in maintaining the peace, stability, and security of Eastern Asia. From the partition of the Korean peninsula following World War II to the country's development of nuclear weapons, the foreign policy of the U.S. had to evolve based on the circumstances in North Korea. The United States, along with China, Japan, Russia, and South...
Show moreThe foreign policy of the United States of America toward the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK), commonly known as North Korea, has an important role in maintaining the peace, stability, and security of Eastern Asia. From the partition of the Korean peninsula following World War II to the country's development of nuclear weapons, the foreign policy of the U.S. had to evolve based on the circumstances in North Korea. The United States, along with China, Japan, Russia, and South Korea, have key roles surrounding the discussions with North Korea. The thesis focuses solely on the presidential administrations of Harry S. Truman, Dwight D. Eisenhower, Lyndon B. Johnson, Richard Nixon, Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama; these men had the greatest impact on U.S. foreign policy with North Korea. The thesis takes a qualitative approach of research by using primarily government documents, historical records from presidential administrations, articles from foreign policy journals, and books by foreign policy experts. Throughout the research, two common themes of U.S. relations toward North Korea emerge, uncertainty and defiance. North Korea's secretive regime makes it difficult for U.S. presidential administrations to determine the intentions of North Korea's actions. Furthermore, the uncertainty often leads to defiant and aggressive actions by North Korea. From the USS Pueblo crisis to the bombing of Yeonpyeong Island, presidential administrations had to walk a fine line of responding with aggression, negotiations, or appeasement. The thesis examines not only the options and implementations of each presidential administration, but also looks toward possible solutions for maintaining peace and stability in Eastern Asia by improving relations with North Korea.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2011
- Identifier
- CFH0003766, ucf:44748
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFH0003766
- Title
- Byzantine Foreign Policy During the Reign of Constans II.
- Creator
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Morris, Joseph, Larson, Peter, Dandrow, Edward, Walker, Ezekiel, Pineda, Yovanna, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
-
This thesis examines the foreign policy of Constans II as the first Byzantine Emperor to rule after the initial Arab conquests in Syria-Palestine. His reign, 641-668, was the first reign of a Byzantine Emperor where the entire reign was subject to Arab raids and invasions. Constans II also had to contend with the Slavs in Thessalonica and Greece and the Lombards in Italy. To complicate matters more, Constans II was forced to cope with the religious division between the eastern and western...
Show moreThis thesis examines the foreign policy of Constans II as the first Byzantine Emperor to rule after the initial Arab conquests in Syria-Palestine. His reign, 641-668, was the first reign of a Byzantine Emperor where the entire reign was subject to Arab raids and invasions. Constans II also had to contend with the Slavs in Thessalonica and Greece and the Lombards in Italy. To complicate matters more, Constans II was forced to cope with the religious division between the eastern and western churches due to Monothelitism in the East. Beset on every frontier and inheriting a much reduced empire after decades of intermittent warfare and several disastrous defeats, scholars have reasoned that Constans II's reign was defensive and turbulent in nature. This thesis uses literary and archeological sources to argue that Constans II had a foreign policy focused on actively retaking lost Byzantine territory. While stabilizing the frontiers in his early reign, he suffered devastating defeats and serious threats, primarily from the sea, where the Arab navy had gained superiority. His attempt in securing the western provinces of Italy and North Africa demonstrate not an emperor who was abandoning Constantinople, but one that was attempting to regain the initiative from the Arabs and deprive them of Egypt, which was providing the Arabs with a navy, wealth, and an agricultural surplus. Despite the Byzantine losses Constans II did not accept the transformation in Byzantine territory and influence. The thesis concludes with a historical analysis of his successors and how their foreign policies differed from Constans II's.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2014
- Identifier
- CFE0005534, ucf:50318
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0005534
- Title
- The Path of Least Resistance: The Failure of Humanitarianism and American Foreign Policy in Sudan.
- Creator
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MacFarlane, Mark, Walker, Ezekiel, Crepeau, Richard, Herlihy, Kevin, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
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This thesis examines America's response to civil war, dispossession, and humanitarian disaster in Sudan from the end of the Cold War up until the second Darfur uprising. While the number of scholarly works examining the overall conflict and humanitarian crisis are immense, less has been written in regard to America's foreign policy in Sudan. The contemporary nature of the crisis and dearth of historical analysis does make establishing trends difficult; but recent works suggest a U.S. policy...
Show moreThis thesis examines America's response to civil war, dispossession, and humanitarian disaster in Sudan from the end of the Cold War up until the second Darfur uprising. While the number of scholarly works examining the overall conflict and humanitarian crisis are immense, less has been written in regard to America's foreign policy in Sudan. The contemporary nature of the crisis and dearth of historical analysis does make establishing trends difficult; but recent works suggest a U.S. policy that is ill informed and therefore ineffectual in halting both the conflict and crisis in Sudan. However, contrary to this opinion, the evidence may demonstrate that United States policy, rather than a series of misjudgments or being simply ineffectual, has been more systematic, informed and purposeful. This thesis argues that while the United States wished for peace in Sudan, the historical evidence suggests that the path taken by the United States knowingly prolonged the suffering of millions of Sudanese. Furthermore, American policy makers have entrusted peace in Darfur and in other disparate regions of Sudan, as well as along the newly formed borders with South Sudan, to the National Congress Party (NCP) a regime Congress has labeled untrustworthy and despotic. The bulk of the research used in this examination covered the period from 1989- 2008. However, the independence achieved by the Republic of South Sudan in the summer of 2011 is taken into account in the final analysis of the thesis. The secondary sources both cited and considered for the thesis were substantial; these included academic articles, studies, and texts published over several decades in several related fields of study germane to the thesis topic. While a wide range of primary sources were used, the thesis relied heavily on United States Congressional records from 1989-2008 for analysis. ?
Show less - Date Issued
- 2012
- Identifier
- CFE0004247, ucf:49536
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0004247
- Title
- SOFT POWER AND HARD POWER APPROACHES IN U.S. FOREIGN POLICY: A CASE STUDY COMPARISON IN LATIN AMERICA.
- Creator
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Weinbrenner, John, Dolan, Chris, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
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The purpose of this study was to examine the effects of soft power versus hard power in U.S. policy towards Latin America. In recent years America's unipolar moment has been challenged from populist leaders in the region to its inability to get a handle on the flow of illegal immigrants and illicit drugs that reach its shores. This thesis is a step to understanding the difference between power and influence as well as the effects of hard power and soft power in U.S. foreign policy. A...
Show moreThe purpose of this study was to examine the effects of soft power versus hard power in U.S. policy towards Latin America. In recent years America's unipolar moment has been challenged from populist leaders in the region to its inability to get a handle on the flow of illegal immigrants and illicit drugs that reach its shores. This thesis is a step to understanding the difference between power and influence as well as the effects of hard power and soft power in U.S. foreign policy. A historical comparative case study analysis has been conducted utilizing the cases of FDR's Good Neighbor policy and Reagan's contra war policies. This qualitative approach examined specific short-term and long-term goals of each policy and analyzed each strategy's ability to achieve those stated goals. The results of the study reveal that both soft and hard power approaches can have positive as well as negative effects on American influence in Latin America.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2007
- Identifier
- CFE0001600, ucf:47175
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0001600
- Title
- LEGITIMIZING THE "REPUBLICAN MONARCH": A REEXAMINATION OF FRENCH FOREIGN POLICY IN THE ATLANTIC ALLIANCE, 1958-1960.
- Creator
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Fedorka, Drew, Lyons, Amelia, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
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This thesis focuses on the role foreign policy played in legitimizing the early French Fifth Republic from 1958 to 1960. I argue that President Charles de Gaulle employed foreign policy in the service of gaining public support for his new government and the new republic. Many historians have argued previously that his foreign policy of grandeur, as it came to be called, was used to recast international politics and France's role in them. My work diverges from these previous interpretations by...
Show moreThis thesis focuses on the role foreign policy played in legitimizing the early French Fifth Republic from 1958 to 1960. I argue that President Charles de Gaulle employed foreign policy in the service of gaining public support for his new government and the new republic. Many historians have argued previously that his foreign policy of grandeur, as it came to be called, was used to recast international politics and France's role in them. My work diverges from these previous interpretations by arguing that Gaullist foreign policy served, in many instances, overarching domestic goals, not French international interests. I see foreign policy as inseparable from the broader domestic ambition to craft a persuasive narrative of renewal and national unity under Gaullist stewardship. In the process, my study puts de Gaulle's foreign policy into the context of his larger aspiration to precipitate constitutional reform and, thereafter, ensure popular support. De Gaulle exploited opportunities to use foreign policy in order to shape public opinion, both domestically and internationally. These efforts, as my research reflects, helped foster public support for the new regime and, by portraying national renewal, further discredited the preceding Fourth Republic.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2012
- Identifier
- CFH0004236, ucf:44906
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFH0004236
- Title
- ROLE OF REVOLUTIONARY LEADERSHIP IN IRAN TO ITS FOREIGN POLICY.
- Creator
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Latorre, Aida, Sadri, Houman, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
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This study investigated the role of different leadership styles within Iran and how such leadership changes influenced Iranian foreign policy. The study utilized event-data analysis of Iranian history and current events and discussed the role of realist and idealist to the development of Iran into the regional power it is today as well as how Western relations played a role in developing Iranian foreign policy, particularly with regard to its nuclear development. The main body of the study...
Show moreThis study investigated the role of different leadership styles within Iran and how such leadership changes influenced Iranian foreign policy. The study utilized event-data analysis of Iranian history and current events and discussed the role of realist and idealist to the development of Iran into the regional power it is today as well as how Western relations played a role in developing Iranian foreign policy, particularly with regard to its nuclear development. The main body of the study drew from the dynamics within Iran, its relations with the West, relations with Israel, and relations with other foreign powers. The event-data analysis also took into account the political and socioeconomic stability and conditions within Iran as it would readily influence the foreign policy-making within the nation. The first part of the study analyzed Iranian society under the Shah and the under the revolutionary guidance of the Ayatollah Khomeini; the second part analyzed the post-Khomeini period in Iran. In addition to reviewing the role of different revolutionary leadership styles within Iran, this study considers the role that Iranian-Western relations have played in Iranian policy-making. Further, this study considers the tumultuous role that nuclear development has had in Iran's foreign relations. Findings showed that there is a relationship between Western presence in the Middle East and growing aggression by Iranian leadership. Moreover, the study demonstrates that the role of revolutionary leadership styles is critical in accessing the manner in which foreign policy decisions are made. The study found that the role of Islam in Iranian politics has brought much contention but found that in the post-Khomeini years, it has not been the central reason for policy decisions. Recommendations were made for the continued study of the role of nuclear development in Iranian-Western relations as this study was able to find some evidence of it having some level of relevance. Additionally, recommendations were made that additional research be conducted with regard to the role of Islam in shaping Iranian foreign policy in the Post-Khomeini era.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2009
- Identifier
- CFE0002726, ucf:48145
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0002726
- Title
- Ideas, Beliefs, Strategic Culture, and Foreign Policy: Understanding Brazil's Geopolitical Thought.
- Creator
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Rosas Degaut Pontes, Marcos, Handberg, Roger, Mousseau, Michael, Mirilovic, Nikola, Dantas, George Felipe De Lima, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
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Brazil is an important player both at regional and global levels, figuring prominently in almost all lists of emerging states and regional powers. It is one of the world's largest democracies, the fifth most populous country in the world, the world's seventh-largest economy, and Latin America's largest economy, accounting for approximately 60% of South America's GDP, 47% of South America's territory and 49% of South American population, a G20 member, and an active contributor to United...
Show moreBrazil is an important player both at regional and global levels, figuring prominently in almost all lists of emerging states and regional powers. It is one of the world's largest democracies, the fifth most populous country in the world, the world's seventh-largest economy, and Latin America's largest economy, accounting for approximately 60% of South America's GDP, 47% of South America's territory and 49% of South American population, a G20 member, and an active contributor to United Nations peacekeeping operations. However, despite being usually depicted as a "monster country" which would help shape global affairs, Brazil has never been able to match its geographic, territorial and demographic assets with global geostrategic clout, and military, political, and economic power. This research seeks to explain how a rising power such as Brazil has historically behaved, reacted and constructed a discourse that, at the same time, constrains/motivates its decisions, explains its actions, and legitimizes its behavior. More specifically, the puzzle to be solved is why Brazilian regional policies are not more assertive given Brazil's capabilities? In order to answer this puzzle, this research will seek to analyze how a strategic culture influences a country's geopolitical thought, and consequently its policy choices and outcomes; to identify and qualify the elements of Brazilian strategic culture and its nature, as well as determine the relationship between these elements and Brazilian foreign and security policy decisions; to analyze the influence of Brazilian strategic culture features upon the country's geopolitical thought and grand strategy, and Brazil's geopolitics to South America; and finally to discuss the question of the dynamics of strategic cultural change in Brazil and its implications for the country's security and foreign policy decision-making process, as well as for its regional neighborhood.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2016
- Identifier
- CFE0006382, ucf:51521
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0006382
- Title
- Calibrating a System Dynamic Model Within an Integrative Framework to Test Foreign Policy Choices.
- Creator
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Kavetsky, Carlos, Morrow, Patricia Bockelman, Wiegand, Rudolf, Wu, Annie, Akbas, Ilhan, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
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Political science uses international relations (IR) theory to explain state-actor political behavior. Research suggests that this theoretical framework can inform a predictive model incorporating features of systems dynamics (SD) and agent based (AB) modeling. The Foreign Policy Model (ForPol) herein applies Alexander Y. Lubyansky's (2014) SD model for macro-political behavior to represent behaviors between real systems and mental models. While verifying and validating the resulting SD/AB/IR...
Show morePolitical science uses international relations (IR) theory to explain state-actor political behavior. Research suggests that this theoretical framework can inform a predictive model incorporating features of systems dynamics (SD) and agent based (AB) modeling. The Foreign Policy Model (ForPol) herein applies Alexander Y. Lubyansky's (2014) SD model for macro-political behavior to represent behaviors between real systems and mental models. While verifying and validating the resulting SD/AB/IR holistic model requires an extensive comprehensive research agenda, the present work will take a closer examination at input parameter calibration and conducting typical runs of the SD portion of the model as a first step in the testing, verification and validation process of the proposed integrative model. This thesis proposes incorporating an AB paradigm drawn from work by Claudio Cioffi-Revilla (2009), Edward P. MacKerrow (2003), David L. Rousseau (2006), Joshua M. Epstein and Robert Axtell (1996) as a future hybrid extension.The model applies a SD approach for the modeling of macro-political aggregate behavior. Therefore, the deep analysis of the SD portion of ForPol is modeled and calibrated in Vensim, using empirical data from the 1967 Arab-Israeli Six Day War as a pilot. Interactions within the model actualize Choucri, et. al. (2006), definition of state stability and agent behavior aspects of Cioffi-Revilla's (2009) SimPol polity model. Following calibration results discussion, the present work closes with consideration of future research directions.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2017
- Identifier
- CFE0006750, ucf:51848
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0006750
- Title
- Explaining State Crisis Behavior Using the Operational Code.
- Creator
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George, William, Schafer, Mark, Dolan, Thomas, Vasquez, Joseph, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
-
Does the operational code of a state's leadership have an effect on its behavior during foreign policy crises? Specifically, do states with more conflictual operational codes opt for a more conflictual response to crises, or do systemic and structural variables intervene to limit their significance? While the study of individual level psychology in international relations has been gaining momentum, the causal links between beliefs and behavior have yet to be solidified. This study used...
Show moreDoes the operational code of a state's leadership have an effect on its behavior during foreign policy crises? Specifically, do states with more conflictual operational codes opt for a more conflictual response to crises, or do systemic and structural variables intervene to limit their significance? While the study of individual level psychology in international relations has been gaining momentum, the causal links between beliefs and behavior have yet to be solidified. This study used ordered logistic regression across three models to determine the effect of the operational code on state crisis behavior while controlling for key domestic and crisis dimension variables. Predicted probabilities were also used to better demonstrate the variables' substantive effects. The 50 cases used in this research are drawn from the International Crisis Behavior Dataset composed by Brecher and Wilkenfeld, and they focus on the United States as the major crisis actor. Operational code data were derived from computer-based content analysis using the Verbs In Context System (Walker, Schafer, and Young 1998). The theoretical goal of this paper was to explain variance in state crisis behavior through variations in the operational codes of US Presidents. The results demonstrate that the operational codes of leaders do affect state crisis behavior. Specifically, the operational code indices P1 and I1 show that a leader with a more conflictual view of the nature of the political universe and a conflictual direction of strategy is more likely to employ escalatory crisis behavior.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2014
- Identifier
- CFE0005336, ucf:50528
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0005336
- Title
- Leadership Distrust, Need for Power, and the Initiation of Militarized Interstate Disputes.
- Creator
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Smith, Gary, Schafer, Mark, Dolan, Thomas, Pollock, Philip, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
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Does a leader's psychology affect his/her likelihood of initiating a militarized interstate dispute? The study of leadership psychology has continuously found support for the central assumption that leaders matter in explaining a state's foreign policy behavior. However, many of these research projects have relied on small-sample case studies and experimental methods that have limited generalizability. In this paper, I use two variables drawn from the research program on leadership trait...
Show moreDoes a leader's psychology affect his/her likelihood of initiating a militarized interstate dispute? The study of leadership psychology has continuously found support for the central assumption that leaders matter in explaining a state's foreign policy behavior. However, many of these research projects have relied on small-sample case studies and experimental methods that have limited generalizability. In this paper, I use two variables drawn from the research program on leadership trait analysis (distrust and need for power) in a multivariate large-n study to explain the initiation of militarized interstate disputes (MIDs). 1,601 cases are drawn from the Correlates of War MID data set. First, using an ANOVA model, I demonstrate that MID initiators have higher average scores for both distrust and need for power and that this difference is statistically significant. Then, using logistic regression, I demonstrate that distrust and need for power have statistically significant positive effects on the likelihood of MID initiation. I conclude by comparing the predicted probabilities of the psychological variables of interest with territorial contiguity. All of these methods demonstrate that the psychological traits of leaders have an important effect on the likelihood of MID initiation.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2014
- Identifier
- CFE0005418, ucf:50423
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0005418
- Title
- The Perception of Turkey in the Middle East in the Last Decade: The Cases of Egypt and Tunisia.
- Creator
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Hasgur, Mesud, Sadri, Houman, Morales, Waltraud, Houghton, David, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
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This study examined the factors affecting the perception of Turkey in the Middle East from 2002 onwards by analyzing the combination of media, political elite discourse and people's political predispositions in the cases of Egypt and Tunisia. The research is separated into two parts. In the first part of 2002-2010, the factors of democratization, economic development, foreign policy activism, Islamic Oriented Government as well as Turkish TV series were found to be critical in the explanation...
Show moreThis study examined the factors affecting the perception of Turkey in the Middle East from 2002 onwards by analyzing the combination of media, political elite discourse and people's political predispositions in the cases of Egypt and Tunisia. The research is separated into two parts. In the first part of 2002-2010, the factors of democratization, economic development, foreign policy activism, Islamic Oriented Government as well as Turkish TV series were found to be critical in the explanation of Turkey's popularity. In the second part of 2010-2013, democratization and foreign policy activism were the most effective factors while the other variables still had some effect. In particular the study looked at the news titles, articles, headlines in newspapers, as well as the views of journalists, activists, bloggers, politicians, and academics, which together shaped public perception. A brief historical background is also given in regards to the mutual prejudices and stereotypes between Arabs and Turks during Ottoman rule and the 20th century. The thesis concludes by emphasizing the continuation of democratic progress and reforms in Turkey as well as the need for foreign policy adjustment according to crisis situations as a policy recommendation for the government. The present study also seeks to contribute to both the public opinion theory of Zaller and the recent literature on the (")Turkish Model(").
Show less - Date Issued
- 2013
- Identifier
- CFE0005349, ucf:50499
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0005349
- Title
- Turning Away From Your Slavic Brother: The Effects Of Identity On Relations Between Russia And Belarus.
- Creator
-
Matejka, Matt, Morales, Waltraud, Dolan, Thomas, Houghton, David, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
-
On September 24, 2011, it was announced that Putin would run for president once again in 2012. The reaction in the West was that (")the more things change, the more they stay the same.(") The Western conception of the post-Cold War Russia is often one of remarkable consistency since the turn of the century. This Western narrative focuses on an autocratic Putin reigning over his resurgent and confrontational Russia. Does this narrative tell the story of Russia today, or does it instead obscure...
Show moreOn September 24, 2011, it was announced that Putin would run for president once again in 2012. The reaction in the West was that (")the more things change, the more they stay the same.(") The Western conception of the post-Cold War Russia is often one of remarkable consistency since the turn of the century. This Western narrative focuses on an autocratic Putin reigning over his resurgent and confrontational Russia. Does this narrative tell the story of Russia today, or does it instead obscure it? To answer this I have elected to analyze Russian identity and how it relates to Russia's foreign policy with Belarus, traditionally a close ally of Russia. Analyzing news articles from state-owned Russia Today, I look at changes in reporting and Russian identity over time. I argue that a shift in Russian identity towards a more liberal outlook between 2006 and 2010 motivated a degradation of relations with Belarus. I argue that once the simplified narrative of a resurgent Russia is peeled back, a closer look reveals competing identities and competing interest groups in Russia's domestic arena. Finally I conclude that not only does identity play a pivotal role in Russia's relations, but also that researching identity is important in that it gives us a window into a fairly closed regime that lies at the center of the global stage. Discovering how Russian identity reacts to and influences foreign policy can offer insight into the domestic framework of contemporary Russia, as well as offer us an understanding of how central ideas are to crafting the world around us.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2012
- Identifier
- CFE0004249, ucf:49542
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0004249
- Title
- AN EXAMINATION OF CENTRAL ASIAN GEOPOLITICS THROUGH THE EXPECTED UTILITY MODEL: THE NEW GREAT GAME.
- Creator
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Stutte, Corey, Wan, Thomas, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
-
The New Great Game is a geopolitical competition between regional stakeholders over energy resources in Central Asia. The author seeks to use the expected utility voting model based on Black's median voter theorem for forecasting the New Great Game in Central Asia. To judge the external validity of the voting model, the author uses data from the Correlates of War project data set, to formulate three distinct models based only on the numbers in 1992 and 1993. Capabilities and alliance data...
Show moreThe New Great Game is a geopolitical competition between regional stakeholders over energy resources in Central Asia. The author seeks to use the expected utility voting model based on Black's median voter theorem for forecasting the New Great Game in Central Asia. To judge the external validity of the voting model, the author uses data from the Correlates of War project data set, to formulate three distinct models based only on the numbers in 1992 and 1993. Capabilities and alliance data were used to develop balance of power positions and compare the outcome of 100 simulations to the actual outcome in 2000 based on Correlates of War project data. This allows us to judge whether the emergence of Russia's weak advantage as well as the continuation of the competition in the New Great Game as of 2000 could have been predicted based on what was known in 1992 and 1993. By using only one year's data to forecast the New Great Game, we are able to eliminate historical and researcher bias and judge the applicability of the model in global policy and strategic analysis.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2009
- Identifier
- CFE0002861, ucf:48088
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0002861
- Title
- DIVIDED GOVERNMENT AND CONGRESSIONAL FOREIGN POLICY: A CASE STUDY OF THE POST-WORLD WAR II ERA IN AMERICAN GOVERNMENT.
- Creator
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Feinman, David, Houghton, David, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
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The purpose of this research is to analyze the relationship between the executive and legislative branches of American federal government, during periods within which these two branches are led by different political parties, to discover whether the legislative branch attempts to independently legislate and enact foreign policy by using "the power of the purse" to either appropriate in support of or refuse to appropriate in opposition to military engagement abroad. The methodology for this...
Show moreThe purpose of this research is to analyze the relationship between the executive and legislative branches of American federal government, during periods within which these two branches are led by different political parties, to discover whether the legislative branch attempts to independently legislate and enact foreign policy by using "the power of the purse" to either appropriate in support of or refuse to appropriate in opposition to military engagement abroad. The methodology for this research includes the analysis and comparison of certain variables, including public opinion, budgetary constraints, and the relative majority of the party that holds power in one or both chambers, and the ways these variables may impact the behavior of the legislative branch in this regard. It also includes the analysis of appropriations requests made by the legislative branch for funding military engagement in rejection of requests from the executive branch for all military engagements that occurred during periods of divided government from 1946 through 2009.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2011
- Identifier
- CFE0003657, ucf:48840
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0003657
- Title
- Uncovering The Sub-Text: Presidents' Emotional Expressions and Major Uses of Force.
- Creator
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Assaf, Elias, Houghton, David, Kim, Myunghee, Dolan, Thomas, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
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The global context of decision making continues to adapt in response to international threats. Political psychologists have therefore considered decision making processes regarding major uses of force a key area of interest. Although presidential personality has been widely studied as a mitigating factor in the decision making patterns leading to uses of force, traditional theories have not accounted for the emotions of individuals as they affect political actions and are used to frame public...
Show moreThe global context of decision making continues to adapt in response to international threats. Political psychologists have therefore considered decision making processes regarding major uses of force a key area of interest. Although presidential personality has been widely studied as a mitigating factor in the decision making patterns leading to uses of force, traditional theories have not accounted for the emotions of individuals as they affect political actions and are used to frame public perception of the use of force. This thesis therefore measures expressed emotion and cognitive expressions in the form of expressed aggression, passivity, blame, praise, certainty, realism, and optimism as a means of predicting subsequent major uses of force. Since aggression and blame are precipitated by anger and perceived vulnerability, they are theorized to foreshadow increased uses of force (Gardner and Moore 2008). Conversely, passivity and praise are indicative of empathy and joy respectively, and are not expected to precede aggressive behavior conducted to maintain emotional regulation (Roberton, Daffer, and Bucks 2012). Additionally, the three cognitive variables of interest expand on existing literature on beliefs and decision making expounded by such authors as Walker (2010), Winter (2003) and Hermann (2003). DICTION 6.0 is used to analyze all text data of presidential news conferences, candidate debates, and State of the Union speeches given between 1945 and 2000 stored by The American Presidency Project (Hart and Carroll 2012). Howell and Pevehouse's (2005) quantitative assessment of quarterly U.S. uses of force between 1945 and 2000 is employed as a means of quantifying instances of major uses of force. Results show systematic differences among the traits expressed by presidents, with most expressions staying consistent across spontaneous speech contexts. Additionally, State of the Union speeches consistently yielded the highest scores across the expressed traits measured; supporting the theory that prepared speech is used to emotionally frame situations and setup emotional interpretations of events to present to the public. Time sensitive regression analyses indicate that expressed aggression within the context of State of the Union Addresses is the only significant predictor of major uses of force by the administration. That being said, other studies may use the comparative findings presented herein to further establish a robust model of personality that accounts for individual dispositions toward emotional expression as a means of framing the emotional interpretation of events by audiences.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2014
- Identifier
- CFE0005300, ucf:50513
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0005300


