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(1 - 9 of 9)
- Title
- Non-state Actors in Jamaican Economic Policy.
- Creator
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Jarrett, Matthew, Young, Kurt, Wilson, Bruce, Gibbs, Warmoth, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
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The relevance in understanding local dynamics or political culture is that as Neuman has pointed out, many traditional theories have not taken them into account and have thus failed in explaining political occurrences in the lesser developed world. For example as she has stated, (")domestic factors(") have not been considered into (")systems theories("). (Neuman, 1995, p.16) On this basis, it is necessary to point out these local factors, and furthermore, the role of non-state actors within...
Show moreThe relevance in understanding local dynamics or political culture is that as Neuman has pointed out, many traditional theories have not taken them into account and have thus failed in explaining political occurrences in the lesser developed world. For example as she has stated, (")domestic factors(") have not been considered into (")systems theories("). (Neuman, 1995, p.16) On this basis, it is necessary to point out these local factors, and furthermore, the role of non-state actors within the realm of internal dynamics, since international relations theory also aims to understand the formation and motivation behind economic policy. Therefore, to produce a proper understanding of Jamaican economic policy, specific areas are examined: the political culture of Jamaican politics and the role of non-state actors as they function within the Jamaican state. The two sets of non-state actors are defined as internal and external. The internal consists of two political parties: the People's National Party and the Jamaica Labour Party; and also one social class group: the urban poor. And also, the external consists of: the International Monetary Fund and World Bank. The relationships between these groups and their relationships with the state are examined in order to identify how they affect economic policy. The constructivist theory due to its flexibility in its units of analysis, and its emphasis on (")culture("), and (")worldview(") helps to provide a useful framework for the discussion.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2011
- Identifier
- CFE0004476, ucf:49307
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0004476
- Title
- POST-APARTHEID POLITICAL CULTURE IN SOUTH AFRICA, 1994-2004.
- Creator
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Kinsell, Andrew, Walker, Ezekiel, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
-
Between 1994 and 2004 the African National Congress (ANC) dominated government at every level of every branch. As a result, the checks and balances that are a necessary part of any democracy were non-existent. Understanding the powerful position they occupied, the ANC increasingly acted on its own accordance without any regard for the wishes of the South African populace. This lack of public consideration, coupled with the failure to economically redistribute wealth among the vast unemployed...
Show moreBetween 1994 and 2004 the African National Congress (ANC) dominated government at every level of every branch. As a result, the checks and balances that are a necessary part of any democracy were non-existent. Understanding the powerful position they occupied, the ANC increasingly acted on its own accordance without any regard for the wishes of the South African populace. This lack of public consideration, coupled with the failure to economically redistribute wealth among the vast unemployed majority, turned an optimistic political culture with mass participation in 1994 into a disillusioned political culture with reduced political participation in 2004. These economic failures, along with the rise in crime and political corruption that dominated South African politics, eroded the optimism and trust that for a short time was prevalent in South Africa. Instead, the post-apartheid political culture of South Africa resembled what it did for all of those decades under apartheid: one of disillusionment and non-participation. The following thesis will argue that during the decade following 1994, South Africans became increasingly frustrated and disillusioned with government as the divide between the small-upper class and the large-proletariat continually expanded. The various explanations for the expansion of this divide will be presented along with survey information, which will attempt to garner what the South African public perceives to be; 1) the primary threat to the long-term stability of democracy, 2) the effectiveness of government between 1994 and 2004. Most importantly, the surveys will ask South Africans who voted in 1994 but not in 2004 the reason for not voting in order to fully understand the specific cause for the decline in political participation.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2009
- Identifier
- CFE0002787, ucf:48124
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0002787
- Title
- IRANIAN FEMINISM: A COMPARATIVE EVALUATION OF ITS IMPACT AND FUTURE.
- Creator
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Eskamani, Anna, Sadri, Houman, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
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For the casual observer, the term "Iranian feminist" is often considered to be an oxymoron. However, what seems to be an ironic juxtaposition actually holds a great length of truth: for over a century now, Iranian women have been marching, screaming, and fighting for equal gender rights - all the while embracing feminist ideals. In fact, "feminity" is a political symbol that has been influencing Iranian politics for over 150 years. From the very beginning of modern Iranian history, women have...
Show moreFor the casual observer, the term "Iranian feminist" is often considered to be an oxymoron. However, what seems to be an ironic juxtaposition actually holds a great length of truth: for over a century now, Iranian women have been marching, screaming, and fighting for equal gender rights - all the while embracing feminist ideals. In fact, "feminity" is a political symbol that has been influencing Iranian politics for over 150 years. From the very beginning of modern Iranian history, women have always played a pivotal role within Iranian history, constantly connecting the personal to the political. This research aims to explore this phenomenon as an independent movement and as one comparable to American feminism. Three main topics are explored: theocratic restrictions, culture, and globalization. There are three methods of research that I have utilized as resources for this study: previous studies, statistical data, and interviews. The purpose of this study is to understand why and how feminism is increasing within the anti-feminist regime of the IRI. This study holds both theoretical and political significance and is designed to predict the future status of Iranian feminism through examining the conditions of the past and present.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2011
- Identifier
- CFH0003701, ucf:44737
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFH0003701
- Title
- Positive Political Outcomes From Feminist Islam in Afghanistan: Identifying Development Program Features that Raise the Status of Women.
- Creator
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Barnard, Margaret, Hamann, Kerstin, Owens, J. Thomas, Dolan, Thomas, Kinsey, Barbara, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
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Existing literature establishes a connection between elevating the status of women in less developed countries and positive political outcomes including: increased national stability, decreased likelihood of civil conflict, and international stability. In particular, the literature suggests that working within the dominant cultural framework of a country makes development projects more successful. This thesis expands upon these bodies of literature and examines the outcomes of the work of two...
Show moreExisting literature establishes a connection between elevating the status of women in less developed countries and positive political outcomes including: increased national stability, decreased likelihood of civil conflict, and international stability. In particular, the literature suggests that working within the dominant cultural framework of a country makes development projects more successful. This thesis expands upon these bodies of literature and examines the outcomes of the work of two major development agencies in Afghanistan, the UN and USAID in the area of women's education and healthcare. The thesis analyzes some specific characteristics that influence the effects of these programs in the Afghan context. It argues that when development agencies work within the unique cultural context of Afghanistan, and promote development gains for women within an Islamic framework, they are more likely to be effective than if they do not work within this framework. The thesis tests this hypothesis with a comparative qualitative analysis of the goals and accomplishes of the UN and USAID and compares the results of the analysis with survey data from The Asia Foundation Survey of the Afghan people, which provides data from 2006-2013 regarding attitudes of the Afghan people. Based on a qualitative analysis, the study's results, although tentative, identifies patterns of success using the Islamic framework.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2014
- Identifier
- CFE0005460, ucf:50368
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0005460
- Title
- PEACE DEVELOPMENT IN EAST ASIA: CHINA, JAPAN, AND SOUTH KOREA.
- Creator
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Tang, Yihui, Sadri, Houman A., University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
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This thesis intends to explore the peacebuilding process in East Asia. It mainly examines the politics, cultures, and economies of China, Japan, and South Korea, along with the on-going issues between South Korea and North Korea. To be able to establish a stable and prosperous society in East Asia, these three countries play a major role, and they can create greater cooperation within the region and on the international level. Peacebuilding process highly depends on politic, culture, and...
Show moreThis thesis intends to explore the peacebuilding process in East Asia. It mainly examines the politics, cultures, and economies of China, Japan, and South Korea, along with the on-going issues between South Korea and North Korea. To be able to establish a stable and prosperous society in East Asia, these three countries play a major role, and they can create greater cooperation within the region and on the international level. Peacebuilding process highly depends on politic, culture, and economy of these three countries. Confidence Building Measures (CBM) and Peaceful Settlement of Disputes (PSD) are the excellent strategies for achieving peace in the region after studying each country carefully. Economic activities and good trade relations are essential to the peace development in East Asia.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2018
- Identifier
- CFH2000380, ucf:45757
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFH2000380
- Title
- Vox Populi-Vox Belli: A Historical Study of Southern Ante Bellum Public Attitudes and Motivations Toward Secession.
- Creator
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Boyden, Julian, Sacher, John, Crepeau, Richard, Herlihy, Kevin, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
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This thesis examines why the south seceded in 1860 as opposed to any other time in the 19th century and what changed the mentalit(&)#233; of the people in the period 1857-1860. The underlying issue in southern politics and the issue of secession was clearly slavery and slavery rested on the economics of cotton. Yet slavery and cotton do not explain why the South seceded in 1860 and not at other times in the preceding seventy years. 1807 saw the outlawing of the international slave trade and...
Show moreThis thesis examines why the south seceded in 1860 as opposed to any other time in the 19th century and what changed the mentalit(&)#233; of the people in the period 1857-1860. The underlying issue in southern politics and the issue of secession was clearly slavery and slavery rested on the economics of cotton. Yet slavery and cotton do not explain why the South seceded in 1860 and not at other times in the preceding seventy years. 1807 saw the outlawing of the international slave trade and 1819 saw Congress pass the Slave Trade Act interdicting the ships involved. In 1828 and 1832 the bitter tariff disputes between northern industrial and southern agricultural interests led to the South Carolina doctrine of (")Nullification(") but no secession. Neither the 1846 proposed Wilmot Proviso restricting slavery in the new territories nor the immediate post Mexican War disputes over the territorial expansion of slavery caused secession and in every case the South was willing to compromise.The methodology of this work is based on the assumption that words and thoughts are intimately linked and that by measuring changes in frequency of word use, changes in thought can be detected and measured. Evidence for the changing use word frequency was provided by an etymological and article content study of selected daily editions of six newspapers in the three cities. The thesis put forward to explain the change in political attitude is that for the southern cities of Richmond, Charleston and New Orleans, political power and political issues were the most important factors. The rise of the sectional northern Republican Party and fear of its abolitionist principles weighed more heavily than any other factors in altering the psychology of the South. This raised the political dispute over slavery to an issue of secession and potential military conflict.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2012
- Identifier
- CFE0004209, ucf:48999
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0004209
- Title
- Predicting Gun Ownership in America: Birth Cohort, Political Views, and Attitudes Towards Gun Control Legislation.
- Creator
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Adams, Jared, Gay, David, Donley, Amy, Corzine, Harold, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
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With mass shootings occurring with frightening regularity, research into gun ownership behavior is becoming increasingly important for public policy creation and public safety. While extant research tells us that firearm ownership is woven deep into the historical fabric of American culture, scholarship has yet to fully explore predictors for gun ownership. Employing 2015 Pew Research Center political survey data, this study examines the predictive effects of birth cohort, political ideology,...
Show moreWith mass shootings occurring with frightening regularity, research into gun ownership behavior is becoming increasingly important for public policy creation and public safety. While extant research tells us that firearm ownership is woven deep into the historical fabric of American culture, scholarship has yet to fully explore predictors for gun ownership. Employing 2015 Pew Research Center political survey data, this study examines the predictive effects of birth cohort, political ideology, and attitudes towards gun control legislation on gun ownership, with and without controls, using hierarchical binary logistic regression models. The presented models examine three separate cohorts: The Millennials, Generation X, and the Baby Boomers. Findings reveal that Millennials, liberal political ideology, attitudes which stress the importance of controlling, as opposed to protecting, gun ownership are significantly less likely to own a firearm. Furthermore, gender, household income, population density, southern residency, and race were also found to significantly influence gun ownership. Implications, limitations, and recommendations for future research are also discussed. While this research cannot perfectly predict individual gun ownership, it does effectively highlight several important facts to consider. From the fog of media speculation, political grandstanding, and overly simplistic and unwarranted assumptions, the results of this study bring into full view the inherent complexity of American gun ownership.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2017
- Identifier
- CFE0006706, ucf:51913
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0006706
- Title
- "This Stuff Is Finished": Amiri Baraka's Renunciation of the Ghosts of White Women and Homosexuals Past.
- Creator
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Stone-Lawrence, Susan, Rusnock, Joseph, Harris, Lani, Listengarten, Julia, Boyd, Belinda, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
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This study examines auto/biographical, theoretical, critical, literary, and dramatic works by and about LeRoi Jones/Amiri Baraka, primarily focusing on the eruption of (")Hate Whitey(") sentiment and rhetoric that characterized a decadelong cultural nationalist phase of the henceforth self-declaredly Black poet-playwright's career. As a black militant, LeRoi Jones left his white wife and other white associates in Greenwich Village, moved to Harlem, changed his name to Amiri Baraka, converted...
Show moreThis study examines auto/biographical, theoretical, critical, literary, and dramatic works by and about LeRoi Jones/Amiri Baraka, primarily focusing on the eruption of (")Hate Whitey(") sentiment and rhetoric that characterized a decadelong cultural nationalist phase of the henceforth self-declaredly Black poet-playwright's career. As a black militant, LeRoi Jones left his white wife and other white associates in Greenwich Village, moved to Harlem, changed his name to Amiri Baraka, converted to Islam, and started the Black Arts Repertory Theatre/School. This thesis contends that Baraka's Black Arts Movement era plays emphasize negation of the value of white women and gay men, who had formed his most intimate prior cohorts, and use extreme imagery to malign, belittle, and abjure representatives of both groups as evil, ridiculous, and disgusting archetypes in an attempt to affirm the political stance of the author and preempt doubt about his level of commitment to his chosen cause during that period. Through these plays written from the mid-1960s to mid-1970s, Baraka denies his own personal history and appears to protest too much the virtues of corrective Afrocentric relationships which his works fail to affirm as much as he condemns their alternatives. However, after the purgative effect of these revolutionary works, Baraka's evolution arrived at a place where he could once again acknowledge and promote a diverse equality that included respect for the partners and peers he had abnegated. Conclusions of this research suggest connections between the personal implications of Baraka's individual journey and prominent themes stressed in the broader field of identity politics. ?
Show less - Date Issued
- 2013
- Identifier
- CFE0005062, ucf:49948
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0005062
- Title
- Arrangement of Google Search Results and Imperial Ideology: Searching for Benghazi, Libya.
- Creator
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Stewart, Jacob, Pigg, Stacey, Rounsaville, Angela, Walls, Douglas, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
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This project responds to an ongoing discussion in scholarship that identifies and analyzes the ideological functions of computer interfaces. In 1994, Cynthia Selfe and Richard Selfe claimed that interfaces are maps of cultural information and are therefore ideological (485). For Selfe and Selfe and other scholars, these interfaces carried a colonial ideology that resulted in Western dominance over other cultures. Since this early scholarship, our perspectives on interface have shifted with...
Show moreThis project responds to an ongoing discussion in scholarship that identifies and analyzes the ideological functions of computer interfaces. In 1994, Cynthia Selfe and Richard Selfe claimed that interfaces are maps of cultural information and are therefore ideological (485). For Selfe and Selfe and other scholars, these interfaces carried a colonial ideology that resulted in Western dominance over other cultures. Since this early scholarship, our perspectives on interface have shifted with changing technology; interfaces can no longer be treated as having persistent and predictable characteristics like texts. I argue that interfaces are interactions among dynamic information that is constantly being updated online. One of the most prominent ways users interact with information online is through the use of search engines such as Google. Interfaces like Google assist users in navigating dynamic cultural information. How this information is arranged in a Google search event has a profound impact on what meaning we make surrounding the search term.In this project, I argue that colonial ideologies are upheld in several Google search events for the term (")Benghazi, Libya.(") I claim that networked connection during Google search events leads to the creation and sustainment of a colonial ideology through patterns of arrangement. Finally, I offer a methodology for understanding how ideologies are created when search events occur. This methodology searches for patterns in connected information in order to understand how they create an ideological lens.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2014
- Identifier
- CFE0005267, ucf:50559
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0005267
