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Title: NATO ENLARGEMENT: POLAND, THE BALTICS, UKRAINE AND GEORGIA.
Creator: Radcliffe, Christopher M., Sadri, Houman Dr., Solonari, Vladimir Dr., University of Central Florida
Abstract / Description: Over the past two decades, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has enlarged several times to include a number of new countries. The first two case studies that are analyzed within this paper include key countries that were added in the 1999 and 2004 rounds of NATO enlargement: Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia. The third case study takes a closer look at two countries, Ukraine and Georgia, that sought to become members of NATO but were denied Membership Action Plans (MAPs)...
Show moreOver the past two decades, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has enlarged several times to include a number of new countries. The first two case studies that are analyzed within this paper include key countries that were added in the 1999 and 2004 rounds of NATO enlargement: Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia. The third case study takes a closer look at two countries, Ukraine and Georgia, that sought to become members of NATO but were denied Membership Action Plans (MAPs) because of Russian discontent and military intervention. It is questionable if Russia will use military force to disrupt the territorial sovereignty of future prospective NATO candidate countries. This paper aims to identify the trend between countries seeking NATO membership and Russian intervention within these countries. Poland joined NATO in 1999, and much to Moscow's dislike, NATO's borders expanded farther into Eastern Europe. The Baltic States, Latvia, Estonia, and Lithuania, joined NATO in 2004, pushing the NATO border right against Russia's northwestern front. This gave western alliances the ability to host military operations through NATO on the Russian border. It is apparent that Moscow has done everything in its power to prevent more countries that share a border with Russia from joining NATO. Only three months after the Bucharest Summit in 2008, Russia invaded two territories in Georgia. After the pro-Russian president in Ukraine was ousted in 2014, Russia invaded Eastern Ukraine and annexed the Crimean Peninsula. In order to be offered a MAP, the candidate country must have complete sovereignty over its territory. By invading key points within both Georgia and Ukraine, Russia was delaying their ability to become members of the security alliance. It is apparent that there is a connection between increased NATO collaboration with countries that border Russia, and military action taken upon those countries by Russia.
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Date Issued: 2018
Identifier: CFH2000400, ucf:45915
Format: Document (PDF)
PURL: http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFH2000400

Title: POLITICAL ISLAM AND DEMOCRACY.
Creator: Browne-Michael, Mikellon S, Sadri, Houman A., University of Central Florida
Abstract / Description: The Middle East is a predominately Islamic region. Islam is not only a religion, it is the Muslim way of life and law. The western world follows a more modern system of government, in the form of democracy. Democracy is not modern, as in new, since it was started by the ancient Greeks, but it is modern, because it is the main system being adopted in contemporary times. Muslims follow the ideals found in the Holy Quran, the book dictated by the prophet Muhammad. The Middle East has had a...
Show moreThe Middle East is a predominately Islamic region. Islam is not only a religion, it is the Muslim way of life and law. The western world follows a more modern system of government, in the form of democracy. Democracy is not modern, as in new, since it was started by the ancient Greeks, but it is modern, because it is the main system being adopted in contemporary times. Muslims follow the ideals found in the Holy Quran, the book dictated by the prophet Muhammad. The Middle East has had a strong Islamic influence since the mid-seventh century. Islam originated in Mecca in 610 C.E. About twelve years later, in 622 C.E., after much persecution in Mecca, Muslims migrated to Medina. This was in 622 C.E. and it marked the start of the Muslim calendar. Soon, by 655 C.E., Islam had begun spreading over the regions along the Mediterranean Sea, Arabian Peninsula, Asia, and Africa. This research will span the political systems from pre-Ottoman, to Ottoman, to the Modern era. The beginning of the modern Middle East is marked by the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the end of World War I. Since the end of World War I, much of the Middle Eastern region has been exposed to the western system of government and western culture. The intent of this Thesis is to analyze and draw a conclusion on the possibility of Politically Islamic states having Democracy and following Democratic ideologies. It will examine the ideologies of Islam to determine if democracy, a system of government that includes the citizens of the nation having the right to speak and receiving civil liberties to choose their leaders, is actually present. It will use data from Turkey, Iran, and Egypt, Middle Eastern nations located either in, or bordering, three different continents of the world. In each country the research will examine, the governmental system, the regime type, the leaders past and present, and the policies, including how each country vary according to a specific Islamic sector (Sunni or Shia). This thesis will draw conclusions from the comparative analysis on each case study, on whether it is possible to have democracy in a state where Islamic ideologies are a major factor. From the case study findings, there were clear differences between all the countries studied. Turkey was found to be majority Sunni with a secular republic government but it is showing signs of reverting into the realm of political Islam. Iran was found to be majority Shia with a religious republic government, one that freely allows religion into the law-making body and has emphasized policies that are based on Islamic law. In addition, Iran shows adversity to western democratic bodies, which falls in line with the idea that Islam and democracy are at odds. Finally, Egypt the most revolution-plagued has changed leaders constantly through coups and protests, when the citizens find the leaders as corrupt or not acting in the best interest of the country. Like Turkey, Egypt is a secular republic with the majority of its citizens being from the Sunni Islamic sect it has recently shown an inclination to be the most democratic nation of those studied. The research showed that the Middle East is still having trouble adjusting to the idea of democracy and democratic ideology. The issues were found on various cultural, social, and leadership levels. There were not only civil and regional disputes among the nations of the Middle East, some of the issues have been extended to international levels. The split between Democracy and traditional Islamic values, appeared to only deepen the conflicts of the region.
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Date Issued: 2017
Identifier: CFH0000238, ucf:44673
Format: Document (PDF)
PURL: http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFH0000238

Title: Comparative Analysis of the Relationship between State Security and Ethnic Minority Oppression.
Creator: Lanza, Grayson, Sadri, Houman, Reynolds, Teddy, Mirilovic, Nikola, University of Central Florida
Abstract / Description: This research investigates the relationship between the state economic outlook, state security apparatus and the presence of ethnic minority oppression within the state's borders. Modern states have developed extensive security apparatuses as they have developed their economies and this research intended to identify the possibility of a connection between the development of these aspects of the state in relation to ethnic minority repression. The research is broken up into a research design...
Show moreThis research investigates the relationship between the state economic outlook, state security apparatus and the presence of ethnic minority oppression within the state's borders. Modern states have developed extensive security apparatuses as they have developed their economies and this research intended to identify the possibility of a connection between the development of these aspects of the state in relation to ethnic minority repression. The research is broken up into a research design and introductory section, a case study section, and a final analysis and conclusion section. Each of the four case studies studied a and ethnic minority relationship, and in total there were three states and four ethnic minorities researched.The research analyzed four studies and studied relationships between the economic outlook of the state, its security outlook, cultural issues, and how these relate to ethnic minority oppression. The findings of the study indicate some degree of relationship between all the aforementioned variables. The study suggests that the relationship between the state security apparatus and ethnic minority oppression is second to that of a state's economic outlook and ethnic minority oppression and that the security outlook of a state is not an alternative explanation for state repression.Future research questions recommended suggestions are predicated off the results of this research that showed the primacy of state economic outlook. It is recommended for further research into the spatial relationship between ethnic minorities and the productive forces of states, if and how colonial theories can be applied to states that are not settler-colonial in their foundation in relation to ethnic minorities, and how state security apparatuses have developed and how they interact with ethnic minorities.
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Date Issued: 2019
Identifier: CFE0007483, ucf:52670
Format: Document (PDF)
PURL: http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0007483

Title: Ethnic Exclusion (&) Conflict in the Caspian: Comparing Kazakhstan (&) Azerbaijan.
Creator: Krikorian, Danny, Sadri, Houman, Mousseau, Demet, Marien, Daniel, University of Central Florida
Abstract / Description: Political science explains various motives for political violence. This research focuses on a particular kind of motivation: ethnicity. The 20th century has seen many instances of ethnic violence, and this research seeks to understand why it occurs in one place and time and not the other. Traditionally the literature on ethnic violence reflects on economic conditions, regime type, geopolitics and historical context as significant variables. This research posits that Kazakhstan managed to...
Show morePolitical science explains various motives for political violence. This research focuses on a particular kind of motivation: ethnicity. The 20th century has seen many instances of ethnic violence, and this research seeks to understand why it occurs in one place and time and not the other. Traditionally the literature on ethnic violence reflects on economic conditions, regime type, geopolitics and historical context as significant variables. This research posits that Kazakhstan managed to avoid ethnic violence because it is more politically developed. The existence of an accommodative legislative assembly, which assures the rights of ethnic minorities, is an example of Kazakhstan's model of ethnic inclusiveness and harmony. Such mechanisms are wholly absent in Azerbaijan, despite immense oil wealth; it exhibits cases of extreme ethnic violence, terrorist mobilization and threats to regime survival. Relatively politically developed states like Kazakhstan are more inclined towards ethnic tolerance, inclusion (&) harmony, while underdeveloped states lack the apparatus' therein, resulting in exclusion and conflict. The main implication of the research is that neither territorial disputes, nor resource curse nor post-Soviet disintegration help to explain why ethnic conflict happens in one place, Azerbaijan, and not in the other, Kazakhstan. There is however a positive relationship between ethnic inclusion (&) ethnic harmony.
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Date Issued: 2018
Identifier: CFE0007213, ucf:52227
Format: Document (PDF)
PURL: http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0007213

Title: Ideology and Influence: Balancing Conservative and Neoconservative Power in the Islamic Republic of Iran.
Creator: Corsi, Rachel, Sadri, Houman, Morales, Waltraud, Kinsey, Barbara, University of Central Florida
Abstract / Description: The evolution of the Pasdaran over the past thirty years has brought the group furtheraway from its original role as a protector of the revolution and closer to a parallel, if notcompeting, economic, political and social institution. In the last decade, conflict dominating the political landscape of the Islamic Republic of Iran has shifted from being defined primarily by the Reformists (Islamic Left) and the Conservatives (Islamic Right), to a multi-dimensional struggle between the Reformists...
Show moreThe evolution of the Pasdaran over the past thirty years has brought the group furtheraway from its original role as a protector of the revolution and closer to a parallel, if notcompeting, economic, political and social institution. In the last decade, conflict dominating the political landscape of the Islamic Republic of Iran has shifted from being defined primarily by the Reformists (Islamic Left) and the Conservatives (Islamic Right), to a multi-dimensional struggle between the Reformists, Conservatives, and Neo-Conservatives, represented by theIRGC and President Ahmadinejad. The IRGC's defiance against the authority of the clerics,evidenced by President Ahmadinejad's deteriorating relationship with the Supreme Leader, is an indication of a shift in the sources of influence in domestic and foreign policy making and the necessary attempts of the ruling regime to compensate for its loss of control. It appears that the IRGC may be in a position to seriously challenge the authority of the clerics; however, this research hypothesizes that as the organization has evolved parallel to the velayet-e faqih, it does not have the necessary autonomy or cohesion to effectively usurp the rule of the clerics. This study proposes that the competitive disunity that has propelled the growth of the IRGC over thepast three decades is prohibitive of the collective consolidation of influence necessary to wrest authority from the clerical regime.
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Date Issued: 2011
Identifier: CFE0004095, ucf:49136
Format: Document (PDF)
PURL: http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0004095

Title: A Study of the Relationship Between Trade Liberalization and Human Development in Sub-Saharan Africa's Least Developed Countries.
Creator: Rash, Stephanie, Sadri, Houman, Morales, Waltraud, Kinsey, Barbara, University of Central Florida
Abstract / Description: The purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between trade liberalization, measured using the Heritage Foundation's Trade Freedom indicator, and human development, measured using the United Nations Development Program's Human Development Index, in sub-Saharan Africa's Least Developed Countries between 1990 and 2011 as data allows. In addition to exploring the relationship between these two variables, alternative factors that influence human development are examined in bivariate...
Show moreThe purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between trade liberalization, measured using the Heritage Foundation's Trade Freedom indicator, and human development, measured using the United Nations Development Program's Human Development Index, in sub-Saharan Africa's Least Developed Countries between 1990 and 2011 as data allows. In addition to exploring the relationship between these two variables, alternative factors that influence human development are examined in bivariate correlations with human development as well as used as control variables in a multiple regression analysis. Namely, this study includes government effectiveness, the percentage of the labor force employed in the agricultural sector, the percent of Gross Domestic Product made up of the sale of agricultural products, geography, and armed conflict as control variables.By conducting a cross-national bivariate correlation analysis as well as a cross-national multiple regression analysis for the years between 1990 and 2011, this study highlights how, when included in a model with control variables, trade liberalization goes from being a statistically significant predictor of human development index scores to losing its significance altogether. The results from this study indicate that trade liberalization, government effectiveness, and geography, more specifically being landlocked or not, do not have statistically significant effects on human development for LDCs in the region. However, this study finds that for every unit increase in the percentage of the labor force working in agriculture as well as the percentage of GDP made up by agricultural products, a lower human development score can be expected. Armed conflict also has a statistically significant, negative effect on human development.
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Date Issued: 2012
Identifier: CFE0004427, ucf:49362
Format: Document (PDF)
PURL: http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0004427

Title: Elements of Azeri's Independent Foreign Policy: Energy, Geography, and Global Powers Rivalry.
Creator: Vera Muniz, Omar, Sadri, Houman, Morales, Waltraud, Li, Quan, University of Central Florida
Abstract / Description: This work applies geopolitical concepts to elucidate how geography, energy, and rivalries among global powers affect the Azeri foreign policy. This research work uses a deductive method of qualitative research and a longitudinal analysis of qualitative variables.This study first reviews the most significant academic works in the field to delineate the framework of Azerbaijani foreign policy. Next, it discusses the geographical features of the Azeri landlocked territory and its influence over...
Show moreThis work applies geopolitical concepts to elucidate how geography, energy, and rivalries among global powers affect the Azeri foreign policy. This research work uses a deductive method of qualitative research and a longitudinal analysis of qualitative variables.This study first reviews the most significant academic works in the field to delineate the framework of Azerbaijani foreign policy. Next, it discusses the geographical features of the Azeri landlocked territory and its influence over foreign policy. Then the study presents how Azerbaijan uses its energy as a leverage tool in its foreign policy. The fourth chapter analyzes the current competition between two global powers, the US and Russia, for influence over Azeri oil and gas resources, seeking to balance the power in the South Caucasus and Central Asian regions. Finally, this research work lists the findings, showing that the Azeri foreign policy is affected by geography, energy, and global power competition variables. The transit states that encircle the landlocked territory of Azerbaijan reduce the Azeri ability to export its energy resources to international markets. The economic and political involvement of foreign companies and states in the Azeri energy industry also reduces the economic and political independence of Azerbaijan. The competition between the US and Russia for influence over the Azeri territory and its energy resources also affects the foreign policy of Azerbaijan. Thus, in order to achieve economic, political, and military stability, Azerbaijan has to be constantly balancing regional and global powers.
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Date Issued: 2012
Identifier: CFE0004449, ucf:49358
Format: Document (PDF)
PURL: http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0004449

Title: A Wolf in Military Clothing: A Case Study Examination of Lone Wolf Terrorism and the Roles and Responsibilities of Government Agencies.
Creator: Bandel, Peter, Sadri, Houman, Houghton, David, Kapucu, Naim, University of Central Florida
Abstract / Description: Since the fall of September, 2011, there has been a major increase in awareness and study of global terrorism. Academia, the media, politicians, and the average citizen all have varying definitions, ideas, and concerns about terrorism. The focus has mainly been on international terrorism. Terrorist organizations like Al Qaeda have permeated the discussion. However, there is a growing concern of the (")lone wolf terrorist.(") A lone wolf terrorist acts without a terrorist organization and is...
Show moreSince the fall of September, 2011, there has been a major increase in awareness and study of global terrorism. Academia, the media, politicians, and the average citizen all have varying definitions, ideas, and concerns about terrorism. The focus has mainly been on international terrorism. Terrorist organizations like Al Qaeda have permeated the discussion. However, there is a growing concern of the (")lone wolf terrorist.(") A lone wolf terrorist acts without a terrorist organization and is capable of having his/her own radical agenda with the audacity and simplicity to carry it out solely and enact great damage. The focus in the United States and globally has been on international lone wolf terrorists. This is important, but a longstanding concern (that often goes without much conversation) is the domestic lone wolf terrorist. Using Gustav Freytag's Triangle and Rational Choice theory, it is shown that lone wolf terrorism must be examined by the United States government to ensure safety of its citizens. A lone wolf terrorist is characterized as a United States citizen who enacts a terrorist action without being part of an organization or terror group. His motives are extremist in nature. This thesis examines the growing phenomena of the domestic lone wolf terrorist. In doing so, the primary function is to look at an even starker reality: that some lone wolf terrorists have served in the military, and during service have shown to portray radical thoughts and actions. Furthermore, these lone wolf terrorists used their military training and weapon insight to enact their catastrophic aims. This thesis uses a case study methodology to examine three lone wolf actors. From the Oklahoma City Bombing, to the 1996 Olympic Summer Games in Atlanta and on to the Ft. Hood shootings the studies find that in all cases the actors did have radical beliefs, military training and used that training in concert with their attacks. This thesis can be used as a discussion about lone wolf terrorism, but also about governance. The findings show an increased need for the Department of Defense to work closely with the Department of Homeland Security and seek greater advice from organizations like the Federal Bureau of Investigation in order to conduct better psychological studies and examinations of military personnel. A disclaimer must be made that this thesis does not, in any way, seek to disparage the amazing amount of work and sacrifice of United States government personnel and agencies. This thesis aims to provide research towards improved understanding and combating of lone wolf terrorism.
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Date Issued: 2012
Identifier: CFE0004507, ucf:49266
Format: Document (PDF)
PURL: http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0004507

Title: When do comprehensive peacekeeping operations succeed? The case of the UN Observer Mission in El Salvador (ONUSAL) and the UN Verification Mission in Guatemala (MINUGUA).
Creator: Stein, Sabrina, Morales, Waltraud, Sadri, Houman, Vasquez, Joseph, University of Central Florida
Abstract / Description: United Nations (UN) Charter Article 42 authorizes the Security Council to take military action by air, sea or land if non-armed solutions fail to restore international peace and Article 43 states that UN members will keep troops and equipment available for the use of the Security Council. However, Article 43 never went into effect, leaving the UN without an alternative to diplomatic solutions. Canada's UN representative, Lester Pearson Bowles, proposed instituting peacekeeping missions to...
Show moreUnited Nations (UN) Charter Article 42 authorizes the Security Council to take military action by air, sea or land if non-armed solutions fail to restore international peace and Article 43 states that UN members will keep troops and equipment available for the use of the Security Council. However, Article 43 never went into effect, leaving the UN without an alternative to diplomatic solutions. Canada's UN representative, Lester Pearson Bowles, proposed instituting peacekeeping missions to address this handicap and Secretary General Dag Hammarskjold established a peacekeeping framework, which included: agreement from the Security Council, agreement by parties involved, readiness of UN members to support mission, and the existence of a peace agreement. However, the UN's peacekeeping framework is often violated to address complex threats to international peace. This thesis will present an analysis of the UN peacekeeping framework and the UN Observer Mission in El Salvador (ONUSAL) and the UN Verification Mission in Guatemala (MINUGUA) to establish how the conflict in El Salvador and Guatemala determined ONUSAL's and MINUGUA's missions and how these deviate from the UN peacekeeping framework. The purpose of this study is to establish specific modifications that must be made to the classic UN peacekeeping framework based on conflict specifics to prevent UN peacekeeping failures.
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Date Issued: 2012
Identifier: CFE0004446, ucf:49342
Format: Document (PDF)
PURL: http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0004446

Title: The Dollar Hegemony and the U.S.-China Monetary Disputes.
Creator: Cao, Xiongwei, Morales, Waltraud, Sadri, Houman, Li, Quan, University of Central Florida
Abstract / Description: This thesis analyzes the current disputes between the United States and China over the exchange rate of the Chinese currency renminbi using an International Political Economy (IPE) analysis. Monetary relations are not mere economic affairs, but bear geopolitical implications. Money is power. Money is politics. The pursuit of monetary power is an important part of great power politics. Based on this assertion, the thesis studies past cases of monetary power struggles between the United States...
Show moreThis thesis analyzes the current disputes between the United States and China over the exchange rate of the Chinese currency renminbi using an International Political Economy (IPE) analysis. Monetary relations are not mere economic affairs, but bear geopolitical implications. Money is power. Money is politics. The pursuit of monetary power is an important part of great power politics. Based on this assertion, the thesis studies past cases of monetary power struggles between the United States and the Great Britain, the Soviet Union, Japan, and the European Union (EU), respectively. The thesis then investigates the dollar's status as the dominant international reserve currency in the current international monetary system, as well as the power that this unique status can generate and provide. The dollar's monetary hegemony has become the main characteristic of the current international monetary system and an important power source for continued U.S. hegemony. The dollar's hegemony and the asymmetrical interdependency between the dollar and the renminbi are the source and the key basis for the recent U.S.-China monetary disagreements. The U.S.-China monetary disputes reflect not only each country's respective domestic interests and perceived benefits, but also the monetary power struggle between the two biggest global economies. Predictions are also entertained for the future monetary relations between the two countries, as well as the geopolitical implications that this relationship may have for the U.S.-China bilateral relationship in coming decades.
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Date Issued: 2012
Identifier: CFE0004321, ucf:49470
Format: Document (PDF)
PURL: http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0004321

Title: Not-So Splendid Isolation: an IPE Study of Iranian Sanction Busting.
Creator: Rilea, Ryan, Sadri, Houman, Morales, Waltraud, Bledsoe, Robert, University of Central Florida
Abstract / Description: This study analyzes the US sanction regime imposed on the Islamic Republic of Iran. This single case study assesses its weaknesses and shortcomings in order to present a preliminary conclusion of the character of Iranian policies to bust the US sanctions regime. In charting the evolution of the US sanction regime through three distinct (")waves(") of sanctions the study highlighted the general shortcomings of the regime. First, the US sanction regime has failed to impose significant costs on...
Show moreThis study analyzes the US sanction regime imposed on the Islamic Republic of Iran. This single case study assesses its weaknesses and shortcomings in order to present a preliminary conclusion of the character of Iranian policies to bust the US sanctions regime. In charting the evolution of the US sanction regime through three distinct (")waves(") of sanctions the study highlighted the general shortcomings of the regime. First, the US sanction regime has failed to impose significant costs on Iran. Second, the slow pace of unveiling each new wave of sanctions failed to bring the necessary immediate pressure on Iran. Third, the inability of the US to gain sufficient multilateral support has limited the scope of the sanctions. These failures has allowed the Iranian leadership to construct a viable counterstrategy to bust US sanctions and continue the stalemate over the conflict of an Iranian foreign policy based on supporting Hamas and Hezbollah and the continued secrecy of its nuclear program. The Iranian counterstrategy has been centered on a domestic economic policy of autonomy, the courting of states outside the US sanction regime through the use of its valuable energy resources and the procurement of sanctioned goods through regional third party states.
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Date Issued: 2012
Identifier: CFE0004288, ucf:49468
Format: Document (PDF)
PURL: http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0004288

Title: Establishing Difference: The Gendering and Racialization of Power in Genocide.
Creator: Welsh, Erin, Morales, Waltraud, Winton, Mark, Sadri, Houman, University of Central Florida
Abstract / Description: This thesis is designed to delve deeper into perceptions of identity, specifically gender and racial identity, the power relationship that emerges as each of these switches is reached in the progression towards genocide, and the effects of these perceptions during and after the genocide takes place. The primary question addressed is whether the power relationship that emerges as a result of these pre-genocidal stages becomes gendered and racialized due to perceptions rooted in a male...
Show moreThis thesis is designed to delve deeper into perceptions of identity, specifically gender and racial identity, the power relationship that emerges as each of these switches is reached in the progression towards genocide, and the effects of these perceptions during and after the genocide takes place. The primary question addressed is whether the power relationship that emerges as a result of these pre-genocidal stages becomes gendered and racialized due to perceptions rooted in a male-dominated hierarchy and a belief in the superiority of one ethnicity over another. The primary goal of this thesis is to analyze the power relationship in the pre-genocide and genocide stages between the perpetrator and the victim on the macro or group level and the micro or individual level. Using the case studies of the Balkan genocides, the Sudanese genocides of Nuba and Darfur, and the 1994 Rwandan genocide, this thesis will attempt to illustrate the idea that the identities of both perpetrator and victim are constructed in order for one to wield power over the other. Within each case study, genocidal tools such as genocidal rape, gendercide, propaganda and indoctrination are addressed in their relation to the gendering and racializing of power relationships in genocide. The effects of the Balkan, Sudanese, and Rwandan genocides are still felt by both survivors and perpetrators, and continue to play a role in how the groups relate to one another, and the case of the Sudanese genocides is still ongoing.
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Date Issued: 2012
Identifier: CFE0004297, ucf:49491
Format: Document (PDF)
PURL: http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0004297

Title: A Generational Perspective on the Development of the Political History of Modern Iran.
Creator: McDowall, Gregory, Sadri, Houman, Knuckey, Jonathan, Kang, Kyungkook, University of Central Florida
Abstract / Description: Mark Twain once remarked, (")History doesn't repeat itself, but it does rhyme.(") If such recurrences happen with some discernible periodicity it would support the view that society develops cyclically. Though still controversial, this perspective has found a home in the long wave cycle theories of economics and international relations. For decades, international relation theorists have argued over which factor has primarily driven the interstate system, but this paradigm transforms that...
Show moreMark Twain once remarked, (")History doesn't repeat itself, but it does rhyme.(") If such recurrences happen with some discernible periodicity it would support the view that society develops cyclically. Though still controversial, this perspective has found a home in the long wave cycle theories of economics and international relations. For decades, international relation theorists have argued over which factor has primarily driven the interstate system, but this paradigm transforms that debate into a query over which of them serves as the medium for carrying waves of social change, be it war, trade, class, or gender relations. William Strauss and Neil Howe, however, found that there is no medium. Instead, long wave cycles result from oscillations of the supply and demand for order due to generational turnover. Essentially, it is a method of error correction, of stabilizing society against the forces of disruptive change wrought by modernity. Though it broadly encompasses many long wave cycle theories, it has yet to be applied to study the modern history of a developing country. Iran offers such a case to test the limits of Strauss and Howe's theory, which this study will perform by comparing its history over the last two centuries, particularly since the turn of the twentieth century, to their theory's expectations. Moreover, in accounting for the deviations, this study attempts to extend their theory to include the modernization process itself, and how it relates to the generational cycle.
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Date Issued: 2015
Identifier: CFE0006226, ucf:51083
Format: Document (PDF)
PURL: http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0006226

Title: An Empirical Analysis of the Association Between Types of Interventions and Civil War Onset.
Creator: Mellott, Melinda, Mirilovic, Nikola, Lanier, Drew, Sadri, Houman, University of Central Florida
Abstract / Description: Quantitative studies have focused on economics, social structures, and lack of political freedoms as being elemental factors for civil war onset. However, these studies have neglected the possibility of a civil war being an unintended consequence of international military intervention. I conduct an empirical analysis of the association between military intervention and civil war onset by collecting data for twenty countries within the Middle East/North African regions from 1980 to 2000. Using...
Show moreQuantitative studies have focused on economics, social structures, and lack of political freedoms as being elemental factors for civil war onset. However, these studies have neglected the possibility of a civil war being an unintended consequence of international military intervention. I conduct an empirical analysis of the association between military intervention and civil war onset by collecting data for twenty countries within the Middle East/North African regions from 1980 to 2000. Using the International Military Intervention data set, I categorized (")international intervention(") into nine different types, all of which were regressed with intrastate war data derived from the Correlates of War project. Two logit regression analyses were used to obtain the results, one of which analyzes civil war at time t and the independent variables at t-1. Additionally, marginal effects were computed to reflect accurate estimates. Overall, the data revealed that certain types of interventions are conducive to civil war onset, such as those pursuing terrorists or rebel groups across the border, gaining or retaining territory, and humanitarian interventions. Other types of interventions, such as those for social protection purposes, taking sides in a domestic dispute, and for the purpose of affecting policies of the target country, has a negative association with civil war onset. Two case studies, the 1953 U.S. intervention into Iran and the 1979 Soviet Union intervention into Afghanistan, reflects the observed findings of the two regression models. The occurrences of international military interventions and civil wars have increased dramatically since the end of World War II; therefore, it is important to have a better understanding of the association between the two events. To my knowledge, this is the first study that has categorized different types of interventions under which results indicate that the purpose of a military intervention does effect the likelihood of civil war onset. Scholars may develop this study further with the goal of establishing a better understanding of both phenomena so that we can find more efficient ways of preventing them.
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Date Issued: 2015
Identifier: CFE0006042, ucf:50974
Format: Document (PDF)
PURL: http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0006042

Title: Human Trafficking for Sexual Exploitation in Southeast Asia.
Creator: Niamvanichkul, Nodwarang, Sadri, Houman, Morales, Waltraud, Houghton, David, University of Central Florida
Abstract / Description: This study centers on the political aspects of human trafficking and sexual exploitation in Southeast Asia. Specifically, the human trafficking is a security studies concern because it is not only a social issue, but also a security threat. Just as with drug trafficking, human trafficking has security consequences. The study analyzed human trafficking issues in the following three countries in Southeast Asia: Thailand, Myanmar, and Cambodia. These three countries were chosen due to the high...
Show moreThis study centers on the political aspects of human trafficking and sexual exploitation in Southeast Asia. Specifically, the human trafficking is a security studies concern because it is not only a social issue, but also a security threat. Just as with drug trafficking, human trafficking has security consequences. The study analyzed human trafficking issues in the following three countries in Southeast Asia: Thailand, Myanmar, and Cambodia. These three countries were chosen due to the high levels of human trafficking. In each of the chosen cases, there is an examination of human trafficking issues in terms of political structures, political policies, economy, and international aid. Findings showed that individual economic status was the most important factor in human trafficking. Regime type, although important, did not show as significant results when compared to individual economic status. However, there was a positive relationship found between international organizations and human trafficking. Recommendations were made concerning the formulation and implementation of political policies. If international organizations take action in each of the three countries, then the problem of human trafficking can decrease.
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Date Issued: 2013
Identifier: CFE0004901, ucf:49659
Format: Document (PDF)
PURL: http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0004901

Title: Examining multi-level and inter-organizational collaborative response to disasters: The case of Pakistan Floods in 2010.
Creator: Khosa, Sana, Kapucu, Naim, Wan, Thomas, Knox, Claire, Sadri, Houman, University of Central Florida
Abstract / Description: Catastrophic disasters are different than routine disasters and managing them requires the mobilization of inter-organizational, inter-governmental, cross-sectoral and international humanitarian support. The role of the international community through International Non-governmental Organizations (INGOs), and multi-lateral organizations such as the United Nations (UN) becomes imperative when the scale of the disaster is unprecedented and difficult for a country to manage on its own. The...
Show moreCatastrophic disasters are different than routine disasters and managing them requires the mobilization of inter-organizational, inter-governmental, cross-sectoral and international humanitarian support. The role of the international community through International Non-governmental Organizations (INGOs), and multi-lateral organizations such as the United Nations (UN) becomes imperative when the scale of the disaster is unprecedented and difficult for a country to manage on its own. The initial response and relief phase of managing disasters is one in which many agencies with different expertise, capacities, working mandates, resources, skills, working cultures and norms come together to coordinate and collaborate to provide timely response and relief services. Thus, the terrain of managing catastrophic disasters is complex and requires a deeper study to understand and delineate the factors shaping and facilitating collaborative response and relief efforts.This study examines the multi-level and multi-layered collaborative response networks present at the national-international level, provincial and district/local level of disaster response and interactions. In this research the nature and effectiveness of collaboration is being studied through a relevant case study of a catastrophic natural disaster, the 2010 Pakistan Floods. The phase of immediate response is explored primarily through Network Theory perspectives including supportive theoretical perspectives such as Social Capital, Resource Dependency, and Institutional Collective Action Theory perspectives that help to explain collaborative interactions in disaster response networks. This study explores and describes factors that influence (either facilitate or hinder) collaboration is disaster response networks.The key research questions for this study are: What factors facilitate and impede collaborative response to catastrophic disasters at the local, provincial, national and international levels? What are the differences and similarities in response systems at different levels? Additional questions address how leadership support (attributed to government and political leaders and organizations), institutional support (in the form of plans, international appeals of response, and development of relief funds to manage aid), network capacity of different organizations (programmatic and relational), nature of resource dependencies between responding agencies, and structural configurations of response systems impact the collaborative response in disasters.A case study method has been applied in this research. The 2010 Pakistan Floods response network/system is identified through content analysis of various newspapers, situation reports and after-action reports using the Social Network Analysis (SNA) method via UCINET Software 6.1. The actual response network is analyzed and compared with existing national disaster response plans to examine the effectiveness of collaborative response through centrality measures, clique analysis and visual display. This approach is supplemented with semi-structured interviews of key institutional representatives that responded to the 2010 Floods. These organizations and institutions were primarily identified through the networks formulated via SNA.Findings and results from the analysis reflect that the response networks at each level of analysis differ both in structural aspects and also in functional aspects. The nature of the international-national response system is focused on mobilizing donor support and receiving and managing aid, both in-kind and cash. Also a major role at the international and national level is to mobilize the UN cluster approach and focus on broader aims of response such as providing shelter and food to affected areas. Some of the factors identified as facilitating collaborative response were leadership of both national and international leaders, and availability of donor support and funds.At the provincial level of analysis, the Chief Minister of Punjab is playing a central and influential role and is partnering closely with the Armed Forces and local district administration. Interviews conducted of provincial level officials help to support the hypotheses concerning leadership support's influence on collaborative response and also the role of institutional support in the form of creation of plans, and policies that help to mobilize quick funds and resources for relief. At the local level of response, networks are highly influenced by local conditions and local capacities of the district administration. Thus, there are diverse factors impacting each level of collaborative disaster response. All in all, leadership support, institutional support and network structural aspects are important variables that impact the effectiveness of collaborative response.Today policy makers are trying to figure out ways to collaborate successfully across sector boundaries for better and effective service delivery, both in the mundane operational tasks and in uncertain and complex situations such as disasters and catastrophic events. Thus, this research helps in expanding the literature on collaborative public management, collaborative emergency management, and network management. Also the frequency of natural disasters throughout the world demonstrate the need to study and examine factors that contribute to or hinder the effectiveness of inter-organizational response in disasters
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Date Issued: 2013
Identifier: CFE0005361, ucf:50496
Format: Document (PDF)
PURL: http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0005361

Title: The Perception of Turkey in the Middle East in the Last Decade: The Cases of Egypt and Tunisia.
Creator: Hasgur, Mesud, Sadri, Houman, Morales, Waltraud, Houghton, David, University of Central Florida
Abstract / Description: This study examined the factors affecting the perception of Turkey in the Middle East from 2002 onwards by analyzing the combination of media, political elite discourse and people's political predispositions in the cases of Egypt and Tunisia. The research is separated into two parts. In the first part of 2002-2010, the factors of democratization, economic development, foreign policy activism, Islamic Oriented Government as well as Turkish TV series were found to be critical in the explanation...
Show moreThis study examined the factors affecting the perception of Turkey in the Middle East from 2002 onwards by analyzing the combination of media, political elite discourse and people's political predispositions in the cases of Egypt and Tunisia. The research is separated into two parts. In the first part of 2002-2010, the factors of democratization, economic development, foreign policy activism, Islamic Oriented Government as well as Turkish TV series were found to be critical in the explanation of Turkey's popularity. In the second part of 2010-2013, democratization and foreign policy activism were the most effective factors while the other variables still had some effect. In particular the study looked at the news titles, articles, headlines in newspapers, as well as the views of journalists, activists, bloggers, politicians, and academics, which together shaped public perception. A brief historical background is also given in regards to the mutual prejudices and stereotypes between Arabs and Turks during Ottoman rule and the 20th century. The thesis concludes by emphasizing the continuation of democratic progress and reforms in Turkey as well as the need for foreign policy adjustment according to crisis situations as a policy recommendation for the government. The present study also seeks to contribute to both the public opinion theory of Zaller and the recent literature on the (")Turkish Model(").
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Date Issued: 2013
Identifier: CFE0005349, ucf:50499
Format: Document (PDF)
PURL: http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0005349

Title: The Arab Spring in North Africa: A Comparative Study of Key Factors and Actors.
Creator: Fuhrer, Robert, Sadri, Houman, Morales, Waltraud, Houghton, David, University of Central Florida
Abstract / Description: This study analyzed the revolutions in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya (North Africa) beginning in late 2010. The first part of the study focused on variables that the North African revolutions shared. These variables were (")personalistic-style of dictatorship("), (")sizable percentage of youth in population("), and (")economic context("). These factors were then discussed as major descriptive variables that caused the revolutionary events in North Africa. The second part of the study assessed why...
Show moreThis study analyzed the revolutions in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya (North Africa) beginning in late 2010. The first part of the study focused on variables that the North African revolutions shared. These variables were (")personalistic-style of dictatorship("), (")sizable percentage of youth in population("), and (")economic context("). These factors were then discussed as major descriptive variables that caused the revolutionary events in North Africa. The second part of the study assessed why each North African revolution resulted in varying levels of violence. Concluding thoughts were made regarding the similarities and differences between the 2009 Iranian Green Revolution, events in other North African Arab-majority states such as Algeria and Morocco, and the on-going Syrian Revolution to the North African Revolutions
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Date Issued: 2013
Identifier: CFE0004681, ucf:49859
Format: Document (PDF)
PURL: http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0004681

Title: United States Export Policy of Fighter Jets to East Asia.
Creator: Derewiany, Andrew, Jewett, Aubrey, Sadri, Houman, Morales, Waltraud, University of Central Florida
Abstract / Description: What explains fighter jet export policy to East Asia? The decision to export fighter jets from the United States (U.S.) to foreign countries is an important part of domestic and foreign policy. James Rosenau's theory of linkage politics suggests that domestic and international variables may work together in complex ways to develop U.S. export policy of fighter jets. This thesis uses a comparative case study approach to examine the domestic and international factors that are influential in...
Show moreWhat explains fighter jet export policy to East Asia? The decision to export fighter jets from the United States (U.S.) to foreign countries is an important part of domestic and foreign policy. James Rosenau's theory of linkage politics suggests that domestic and international variables may work together in complex ways to develop U.S. export policy of fighter jets. This thesis uses a comparative case study approach to examine the domestic and international factors that are influential in determining U.S. export policy of fighter jets to Japan, South Korea and Taiwan. The political actors involved in making U.S. fighter jet export policy include the Executive Branch (primarily the president and Defense Department), Congress, and interest groups representing defense companies and foreign countries. Decisions regarding U.S. export policy of fighter jets to East Asia are influenced by international factors including the need for defense cooperation and diplomacy to enhance the security of the United States and its allies against the perceived threats posed by China and North Korea. These decisions are also impacted by domestic concerns including the desire of politicians to create high paying jobs for U.S. workers, increase contracts and profits for U.S. companies, and improve their chance for reelection. Overall, domestic concerns seems as important or even more important than international concerns when it comes to making decisions about exporting fighter jets to East Asia.
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Date Issued: 2013
Identifier: CFE0004673, ucf:49861
Format: Document (PDF)
PURL: http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0004673

Title: Human Spaceflight Decision-Making as a Potential Well Problem.
Creator: Litwin, Ari, Handberg, Roger, Dolan, Thomas, Houghton, David, Sadri, Houman, University of Central Florida
Abstract / Description: This study investigates funding within the US human spaceflight program in the time-period from 2004 to 2012. The approach taken employed the (")potential well(") model from physical science. The potential well model constrains any physical body trapped within it, and similarly a political (")funding well(") will constrain all programmatic decision-making.Two potential well models are employed, one represents classical physics while the other represents quantum physics. Since each model...
Show moreThis study investigates funding within the US human spaceflight program in the time-period from 2004 to 2012. The approach taken employed the (")potential well(") model from physical science. The potential well model constrains any physical body trapped within it, and similarly a political (")funding well(") will constrain all programmatic decision-making.Two potential well models are employed, one represents classical physics while the other represents quantum physics. Since each model results in motion with certain properties, it can be seen if funding decisions also exhibit similar properties. In physics, the bifurcation between the classical world of aggregate bodies and the quantum world of individual particles is an indicator of deeper physical principles. This study seeks to explore whether this bifurcation exists in the political world as well. If so, it would help explain space policy evolution from 2004 to 2012, and provide evidence concerning the usefulness of physical models for discovering further trends in social science, including political science.The study of a bifurcation in space policy political decision-making resulted in an unclear relationship since some properties were found to be similar to their physical counterpart, some were found to be different, and one property, the quantization of funding into discrete increments, was absent from political decision-making. Further studies are required to explore this bifurcation in greater detail. However, the potential well did prove to be a powerful model in explaining the evolution of human spaceflight policy in 2004 to 2012 as it provided a framework to explain dynamics that may have otherwise remained unclear.
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Date Issued: 2012
Identifier: CFE0004401, ucf:49370
Format: Document (PDF)
PURL: http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0004401

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