Current Search: Congress (x)
Pages
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Title
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Where is the CIO going?: A program for militant trade unionism.
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Creator
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Morris, George
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Date Issued
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1949
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Identifier
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1927060, CFDT1927060, ucf:4813
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/FCLA/DT/1927060
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Title
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A CUP OF TEA: A STUDY OF THE TEA PARTY CAUCUS IN THE UNITED STATES HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
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Creator
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Phillips, Stephen, Pollock, Philip, University of Central Florida
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Abstract / Description
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Over the course of the last few years, a new movement has taken the American political system by storm, the Tea Party. The movement has not only captivated our media but also the minds of ordinary Americans and political elites. According to popular consensus and academic opinion, the Tea Party is comprised of a group of conservative-leaning Republicans who want a smaller government and a lesser tax burden. This is what we think of the Tea Party, but is it true? It is perceived that Tea Party...
Show moreOver the course of the last few years, a new movement has taken the American political system by storm, the Tea Party. The movement has not only captivated our media but also the minds of ordinary Americans and political elites. According to popular consensus and academic opinion, the Tea Party is comprised of a group of conservative-leaning Republicans who want a smaller government and a lesser tax burden. This is what we think of the Tea Party, but is it true? It is perceived that Tea Party members differ significantly from their Republican colleagues in the House of Representatives, but do they? Do they truly represent the Tea Party philosophy and agenda? By creating an original data set on the Republican members of the United States House of Representatives, and examining variables such as the political lean, economic and employment make-up of a member's district, their endorsements and incumbency, as well as high priority legislative votes from the 112th Congress, I will be able to investigate the characteristics and tendencies of Tea Party Caucus members. Once one looks at the 242 member House Republican Caucus and further examines the sixty members of the Tea Party Caucus, the data shows that Tea Party Caucus members largely originate from safe Republican districts and have served in previous congressional terms. Analysis shows that Tea Party Caucus members do vary significantly from their House Republican colleagues when examining their districts, but do not vary as considerably when examining their voting patterns.
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Date Issued
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2012
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Identifier
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CFH0004151, ucf:44851
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFH0004151
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Title
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Tea Time: A Comparative Analysis of the Tea Party Caucus and House Republican Conference in the One Hundred Twelfth Congress.
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Creator
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Phillips, Stephen, Pollock, Philip, Ilderton, Nathan, Schafer, Mark, University of Central Florida
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Abstract / Description
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Following the historic election of Barack Obama, the largest overhaul of the nation's health care system since the Great Society, and with the country still reeling from the worst economic downturn since the Great Depression, a group of disenchanted conservative Republicans and elected leaders wary of government policy gave rise to a new political movement (-) the Tea Party. Since taking the American political system by storm in 2010, considerable research has focused on the electoral...
Show moreFollowing the historic election of Barack Obama, the largest overhaul of the nation's health care system since the Great Society, and with the country still reeling from the worst economic downturn since the Great Depression, a group of disenchanted conservative Republicans and elected leaders wary of government policy gave rise to a new political movement (-) the Tea Party. Since taking the American political system by storm in 2010, considerable research has focused on the electoral consequences of the Tea Party. Using an original dataset and the American National Election Study, I study the Tea Party Caucus at the elite level by analyzing roll call votes, incumbency, and endorsements, and at the mass level through an examination of congressional districts and constituencies. Findings show that members of the Tea Party Caucus and their Republican House colleagues are largely homogeneous. Exceptions to this include economic final passage votes, legislation receiving presidential support, district lean, census region, and presidential vote in congressional districts. Furthermore, evidence is seen that economic factors in members' districts affected the election of freshmen representatives in 2010, and that district variables strongly influence legislative voting behavior. Finally, discontinuity is discovered between the Tea Party movement at the mass level and the Tea Party Caucus at the elite level.
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Date Issued
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2014
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Identifier
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CFE0005229, ucf:50574
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0005229
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Title
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British labor bids for power: The historic Scarboro Conference of the Trades Union Congress.
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Creator
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Nearing, Scott
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Date Issued
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1926
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Identifier
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369421, CFDT369421, ucf:5444
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/FCLA/DT/369421
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Title
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To The CORE: The Congress of Racial Equality, the Seattle Civil Rights Movement, and the Shift to Black Militancy.
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Creator
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Jimenez, Michael, Lester, Connie, Walters, Lori, Walker, Ezekiel, University of Central Florida
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Abstract / Description
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This thesis compares the history of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) to that of its Seattle chapter. The study traces the entire history of CORE from 1942-1968 as well as the history of Seattle CORE from 1961-1968. The goal of this examination is to identify why Seattle CORE successfully fended off the movement for black militancy and consequently why national CORE failed to do so. Juxtaposing the two radically different histories shows an integrated organization, bureaucratic...
Show moreThis thesis compares the history of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) to that of its Seattle chapter. The study traces the entire history of CORE from 1942-1968 as well as the history of Seattle CORE from 1961-1968. The goal of this examination is to identify why Seattle CORE successfully fended off the movement for black militancy and consequently why national CORE failed to do so. Juxtaposing the two radically different histories shows an integrated organization, bureaucratic leadership, a plan of action based on nonviolent actions, and a strong attachment to the black community were the central reasons for the success of Seattle CORE, and conversely, these areas were why national CORE struggled. Moreover, this study shows the events and failures over the first two decades created a susceptible environment for the organization to abandon CORE's nonviolent ideology and the subsequent disintegration of the Congress of Racial Equality as the walls of Jim Crow broke down.
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Date Issued
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2012
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Identifier
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CFE0004327, ucf:49411
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0004327
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Title
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Institutional vs. Non-Institutional Sources of Presidential Influence: Explaining Congressional-Presidential Relations in the Age of Polarization.
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Creator
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Culp, Derek, Ilderton, Nathan, Lanier, Drew, Houghton, David, University of Central Florida
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Abstract / Description
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This thesis examines the determinants of presidential success with Congress. Seven essential sources of presidential power in the current era of party polarization were derived from the extant literature, and these factors were delineated into the institutional (formal) and non-institutional (informal) policymaking tools of the presidency. Variables that explain presidential legislative success include: intraparty support in Congress, the use of veto bargaining, executive orders and signing...
Show moreThis thesis examines the determinants of presidential success with Congress. Seven essential sources of presidential power in the current era of party polarization were derived from the extant literature, and these factors were delineated into the institutional (formal) and non-institutional (informal) policymaking tools of the presidency. Variables that explain presidential legislative success include: intraparty support in Congress, the use of veto bargaining, executive orders and signing statements (institutional factors); as well as public approval, 'going public,' and strategic lobbying of Congress (non-institutional factors). Case studies of the presidencies of Bill Clinton and George W. Bush analyze the role of these policymaking tools in four key legislative battles of each presidency. Regression models were constructed to test the effect of these variables on presidential legislative success. The case studies elucidate the relationship between non-institutional factors and their subsequent impact on key presidential policy priorities, particularly the interaction between public approval and going public. Findings indicate a positive relationship between a president's strategic bargaining ability with Congress and subsequent legislative success. Findings also show no significant relationship between intraparty support and presidential success when focusing on only key legislative battles between the executive and legislative branches, contrary to the findings of prior research. Future research might examine the various relationships between these policymaking tools and how they affect the nature of presidential power in the current era of heightened party polarization and ideological homogeneity.
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Date Issued
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2013
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Identifier
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CFE0004832, ucf:49705
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0004832
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Title
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Anti-atom: The third World Conference Against A- and H-bombs and for disarmament, held in Tokyo, Japan in August, 1957 : a personal interpretation.
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Creator
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Jack, Homer Alexander, Unitarian Church of Evanston
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Date Issued
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1957
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Identifier
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2683676, CFDT2683676, ucf:5112
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/FCLA/DT/2683676
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Title
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THE INFLUENCE OF CAMPAIGN CONTRIBUTIONS ON PROPORTIONALITY OF REPRESENTATION IN THE UNITED STATES CONGRESS.
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Creator
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Cox, Jamesha, Jewett , Aubrey, University of Central Florida
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Abstract / Description
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There are proportionally fewer Hispanic Americans, African Americans and women in Congress than in the United States population. Existing literature prescribes a variety of explanations for this disparity including skewed nominations procedures, differing participation rates, racial gerrymandering, voting biases, and funding inequities. This study revisits one aspect of the underrepresentation issue: campaign contributions. Money has been an integral component of the electoral process since...
Show moreThere are proportionally fewer Hispanic Americans, African Americans and women in Congress than in the United States population. Existing literature prescribes a variety of explanations for this disparity including skewed nominations procedures, differing participation rates, racial gerrymandering, voting biases, and funding inequities. This study revisits one aspect of the underrepresentation issue: campaign contributions. Money has been an integral component of the electoral process since before the American Revolution and its impact on the current composition of Congress ought to be explored to a greater extent. Previous research shows that contributors rarely, if at all, discriminate on the basis of gender. This study intends to further investigate the congressional campaign funding of African Americans and provide some much needed insight regarding the campaign financing of Hispanic American candidates. Using financial and biographical data from each candidate within the 2004 and 2008 election cycles, a multiple regression model will be employed to evaluate the extent to which gender and minority status determine the distribution of congressional campaign funds independent of other electability traits considered influential by contributors (the percentage of vote received in the last election, incumbency, and the leadership position held are indications of candidate strength that affect campaign contributions). The magnitude and statistical significance of these coefficients provides further understanding into funding inequities.
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Date Issued
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2013
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Identifier
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CFH0004484, ucf:45076
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFH0004484
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Title
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The time of the toad.
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Creator
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Trumbo, Dalton
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Identifier
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359815, CFDT359815, ucf:5211
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/FCLA/DT/359815
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Title
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The nuclear test-ban treaty: Gateway to peace.
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Creator
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United States. Dept. of State
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Date Issued
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1961
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Identifier
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1745497, CFDT1745497, ucf:4781
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/FCLA/DT/1745497
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Title
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Speech of Hon. William A. Howard of Michigan.
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Creator
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Howard, William Alanson
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Date Created
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1858-03-23
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Identifier
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DP0012824
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/DP0012824
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Title
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Geneva: Road to peace.
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Creator
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Clark, Joseph
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Date Issued
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1955
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Identifier
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360083, CFDT360083, ucf:5241
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/FCLA/DT/360083
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Title
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Reexamining the Relationship Between Divided Government and Voter Turnout.
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Creator
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Beck, Heidi, Knuckey, Jonathan, Jewett, Aubrey, Lanier, Drew, University of Central Florida
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Abstract / Description
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This thesis reexamines the effect of divided government on voter turnout originally posited byFranklin and Hirczy de Mi(&)#241;o (1998), which suggested that each year of exposure to dividedgovernment resulted in a cumulative negative effect on voters leading to alienation and lowerturnout. It reconsiders this argument using more recent data, given that voter turnout in U.S.presidential elections (as measured by the Voting Eligible Population) has increased since 2000,even though divided...
Show moreThis thesis reexamines the effect of divided government on voter turnout originally posited byFranklin and Hirczy de Mi(&)#241;o (1998), which suggested that each year of exposure to dividedgovernment resulted in a cumulative negative effect on voters leading to alienation and lowerturnout. It reconsiders this argument using more recent data, given that voter turnout in U.S.presidential elections (as measured by the Voting Eligible Population) has increased since 2000,even though divided government has occurred during this period.This thesis also uses new data and methods to address concerns about the original aggregatelevelresearch design. The research question is tested at the individual-level of analysis todetermine if divided government does interact with political trust to lower turnout. Previousresearch assumed this relationship since there is no aggregate-level proxy for political trust. Byusing survey data from the American National Election Studies it is now possible to test the fulltheory.The aggregate-level models show that misspecifications in the research design of Franklinand Hirczy de Mi(&)#241;o resulting in multicollinearity, and in two instances autocorrelation, whichresulted in a failure to reject the null hypothesis. The individual-level models show that dividedgovernment interacts with low levels of political trust to increase voter turnout, falsifying theargument about the effect of divided government on turnout. Overall, the thesis suggests that theimplications of an aspect of the American political system that renders it distinguishable frommost other advanced-industrial democracies(-)divided party control of the executive andlegislative branches(-)should be reassessed. More generally, the thesis demonstrates theimportance of reevaluating hypotheses in political science with the most recent data and morerobust methods in order to establish whether those original hypotheses are still supported
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Date Issued
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2019
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Identifier
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CFE0007783, ucf:52363
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0007783
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Title
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DIVIDED GOVERNMENT AND CONGRESSIONAL FOREIGN POLICY: A CASE STUDY OF THE POST-WORLD WAR II ERA IN AMERICAN GOVERNMENT.
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Creator
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Feinman, David, Houghton, David, University of Central Florida
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Abstract / Description
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The purpose of this research is to analyze the relationship between the executive and legislative branches of American federal government, during periods within which these two branches are led by different political parties, to discover whether the legislative branch attempts to independently legislate and enact foreign policy by using "the power of the purse" to either appropriate in support of or refuse to appropriate in opposition to military engagement abroad. The methodology for this...
Show moreThe purpose of this research is to analyze the relationship between the executive and legislative branches of American federal government, during periods within which these two branches are led by different political parties, to discover whether the legislative branch attempts to independently legislate and enact foreign policy by using "the power of the purse" to either appropriate in support of or refuse to appropriate in opposition to military engagement abroad. The methodology for this research includes the analysis and comparison of certain variables, including public opinion, budgetary constraints, and the relative majority of the party that holds power in one or both chambers, and the ways these variables may impact the behavior of the legislative branch in this regard. It also includes the analysis of appropriations requests made by the legislative branch for funding military engagement in rejection of requests from the executive branch for all military engagements that occurred during periods of divided government from 1946 through 2009.
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Date Issued
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2011
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Identifier
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CFE0003657, ucf:48840
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0003657
Pages