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(1 - 17 of 17)
- Title
- RUSSIAN CULTURAL FACTORS RELATED TO PERCEIVED CRIMINALPROCEDURE FAIRNESS: THE JUXTAPOSITION OF POLICY AND PRACTICE.
- Creator
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Semukhina, Olga, Reynolds, Kenneth, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
-
The purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship between the Russian culture and citizens' perceived fairness of the new Criminal Procedural Code of Russia of 2001 (CPC of 2001). The CPC of 2001 is a key policy in the Russian criminal law reform with the purpose of implementing adversarial procedure elements in Russia. The existing literature has documented the lack of public support along with observed violations of the CPC's major provisions which as made this an...
Show moreThe purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship between the Russian culture and citizens' perceived fairness of the new Criminal Procedural Code of Russia of 2001 (CPC of 2001). The CPC of 2001 is a key policy in the Russian criminal law reform with the purpose of implementing adversarial procedure elements in Russia. The existing literature has documented the lack of public support along with observed violations of the CPC's major provisions which as made this an important area for study. It is theorized that the apparent contradiction between the underlying values of the Russian culture, and CPC's adversarial procedure that reflects anti-cultural values, are responsible for the lack of substantial public support and acceptance of the CPC of 2001. The theory of motivational values developed by Schwartz (1990) is used as a framework to examine the Russian culture. Damaska's (1986) theory of procedural models is used to examine the adversarial elements of the new CPC of 2001. The group value theory of fairness is employed to examine the relationships between Russian cultural values and the public opinion about the criminal procedural law (Lind & Tyler, 1988). The study used a multi-stage stratified random sample of 1,588 Russian residents to explore the relationship between the culture and the perceived fairness of the CPC of 2001. The sample is representative of the Russian Federation population. The data is analyzed through four structural-equation models, a set of non-parametric tests, and descriptive statistical analysis. The findings of this thesis confirmed that cultural values in Russia are predominantly collective. On average, 69% of Russian respondents reported that collective values play a very important role in their life. The type of prevailing values was dependent on the demographic characteristics of the sample: age, gender, place of residence, level of education, marital status, and household income. It was found that the majority of Russian citizens believe that the inquisitional criminal procedure is an ideal of fair law. On average, 72% supported the inquisitorial procedural model in Russia. Unlike the adversarial procedure, the inquisitorial procedural model is not based on competition between the equal parties of prosecution and defense. Instead, it is viewed as a cooperative process between the judge, prosecutor and defense in their inquiry into the circumstances of the case. The adversarial procedural model was not supported by most citizens. Only 33.5% reported that the adversarial procedural model can be considered fair. The study corroborated that the new CPC was not fully supported by the majority of respondents. An average of 27.5% of respondents in Russia reported that the CPC of 2001 is a fair law, in comparison to 72.5% who think that the CPC of 2001 is unfair. The findings validated that the CPC of 2001's inclusion of adversarial procedural elements contradict key values of the contemporary Russian culture. It is concluded that the CPC of 2001 should be reformed to facilitate citizen acceptance. Greater acceptance will support the attempt to advance the democratization of the criminal process through increased civil rights while simultaneously enhancing positive social control. It is proposed that the planned policy reforms that contain additional elements of the adversarial criminal procedure be introduced in a phased manner. It is also recommended that the adversarial procedure values should be publicized through public awareness educational programs. The data analysis also suggests that confounding factors such as citizen distrust of the criminal justice institutions can contribute to problems associated with acceptance of the criminal law reform. The research model developed for this study can be used to examine policies related to criminal law reform in other former Soviet Union countries.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2007
- Identifier
- CFE0001867, ucf:47406
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0001867
- Title
- Teacher Candidates' Civic Attitudes and Civic Knowledge: A Comparative Study.
- Creator
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Furgione, Brian, Russell, William, Waring, Scott, Hewitt, Randall, Jahani, Shiva, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
-
The foundations of a democratic society are the citizens who engage in its political processes and functions. The democratic skills and dispositions needed to be engaged citizens must be embedded within the school system of that society. In the United States, teachers serve as the delivery system of these skills and dispositions, and it is therefore imperative to understand who these teachers are as citizens. Leveraging survey research and various quantitative measures, the civic attitudes...
Show moreThe foundations of a democratic society are the citizens who engage in its political processes and functions. The democratic skills and dispositions needed to be engaged citizens must be embedded within the school system of that society. In the United States, teachers serve as the delivery system of these skills and dispositions, and it is therefore imperative to understand who these teachers are as citizens. Leveraging survey research and various quantitative measures, the civic attitudes and civic knowledge of teacher candidates in various fields were investigated. Using self-reported demographic information, teacher candidates were compared based on their academic program track, gender, race, and status as a college student (first generation or other). Initial findings indicate statistically significant differences in the mean civic attitudinal scores and civic knowledge based on program track and college student status. How the findings may influence the long-term outlook of civic education and the needs for preparing future teachers are discussed.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2019
- Identifier
- CFE0007633, ucf:52474
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0007633
- Title
- The Effects of Divided Government on Women's Organizations' Political Activity in Developed Democracies.
- Creator
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Wilson, Alexandria, Kinsey, Barbara, Hamann, Kerstin, Santana, Maria, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
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This study examines the relationship between divided government and women's organizations' political activity. In the literature divided government is associated with political openness leading to a decline in the repression of alternative political views and increased organizational activity. In this thesis I hypothesize that divided government is related to increased participation in political activity by women's organizations. Political activity is expected to increase during periods of...
Show moreThis study examines the relationship between divided government and women's organizations' political activity. In the literature divided government is associated with political openness leading to a decline in the repression of alternative political views and increased organizational activity. In this thesis I hypothesize that divided government is related to increased participation in political activity by women's organizations. Political activity is expected to increase during periods of divided government due to increased opportunities to influence formal government as political parties and elected officials compete for public support.This study analyzes political activity by organizations associated with the women's movement in two developed democracies, the United States and Ireland during periods of (1) divided government and (2) periods of unified government in each country. This study focuses on activity revolving around the issues of reproductive rights and violence against women, two of the most salient issues to the women's movement. Organizational activity includes participation in protests, letter writing campaigns to political elites, and the endorsement of political candidates or parties by the National Organization for Women (NOW) and The Third Wave Foundation in the United States, and The National Women's Council of Ireland and The Irish Feminist Network in the Republic of Ireland. This study examines organizational activity in two cases of unified government controlling for partisanship of the executive, and one case of divided government in each country case.The findings of this study support the hypothesis that divided government is related to an increase in political activity by women's organizations in the United States. However, more research is needed to address alternative explanations for the level of political activity of women's organizations during periods of unified government. In addition, more research is needed to address explanations of political activity of women's organizations in Ireland.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2014
- Identifier
- CFE0005559, ucf:50293
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0005559
- Title
- The African Puzzle: A Study of Democratic Backsliding in Sub Saharan Africa.
- Creator
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Rice, Ailbhe, Powell, Jonathan, Boutton, Andrew, Bledsoe, Robert, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
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The following study examines the future of democratization and the apparent trend towards autocratization within the context of democratic backsliding in Sub-Saharan Africa. Initially, the findings indicate that regionally, backsliding is not acting fundamentally different in Sub-Saharan Africa when compared to other regions. The analysis finds that regime duration and civil conflict are both significant when it comes to the study of democratic backsliding. The variable for the prior military...
Show moreThe following study examines the future of democratization and the apparent trend towards autocratization within the context of democratic backsliding in Sub-Saharan Africa. Initially, the findings indicate that regionally, backsliding is not acting fundamentally different in Sub-Saharan Africa when compared to other regions. The analysis finds that regime duration and civil conflict are both significant when it comes to the study of democratic backsliding. The variable for the prior military regime's is extremely significant in all of the models and is, therefore, a strong indicator of backsliding in Africa. The chief takeaway from the study is in the variable for economic growth and finds that as economic growth increases the likelihood of backsliding decreases. This variable is negative and significant for all of the models, but if Africa is taken out of the analysis the trend ultimately disappears, which indicates that Africa is potentially driving this trend of economic growth and backsliding.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2018
- Identifier
- CFE0007360, ucf:52080
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0007360
- Title
- Economic Inequality and Democratic Representative Institutions Across Western Industrialized Democracies.
- Creator
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Plungis, Donald, Kinsey, Barbara, Wilson, Bruce, Hamann, Kerstin, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
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This study examines the effects of political representation on economic inequality across western industrialized democracies. I explore an explanation of increases in economic inequality as a consequence of less representative democratic institutions. Explaining economic inequality in this manner is a shift from to the Transatlantic Consensus that attributes increased economic inequality to globalization. I expect to find that more representative electoral and governments institutions will be...
Show moreThis study examines the effects of political representation on economic inequality across western industrialized democracies. I explore an explanation of increases in economic inequality as a consequence of less representative democratic institutions. Explaining economic inequality in this manner is a shift from to the Transatlantic Consensus that attributes increased economic inequality to globalization. I expect to find that more representative electoral and governments institutions will be associated with lower levels of economic inequality. The analysis takes place across twenty-three countries of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) over the past forty years using a cross-sectional longitudinal model. Variables used to operationalize the level of representation of democratic institutions include a novel variable of the representative ratio, the effective number of parties, an index of institutional constraints, presidential system, single member districts, and judicial review. Voter turnout, the percentage of seats held by women, gross domestic product per capita, unemployment, and the size of the industrial sector are used as control variables. The findings support the main hypothesis: as political representation increases, economic inequality decreases.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2014
- Identifier
- CFE0005230, ucf:50591
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0005230
- Title
- POLITICIAL CONSERVATISM AND ITS EFFECTS ON MEMORY AND BASIC RECALL.
- Creator
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Caine, Simon, Smither, Janan, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
-
The purpose of this study was to investigate how conservatism affects a person's perception of everyday details. It is hypothesized that there will be a positive correlation between the participants' conservative ratings and the amount of details from the readings they recall that are also conservative. This will also mean that there will be a negative correlation between the participants scoring higher on the conservatism scale and the amount of liberal details they recall. A similar pattern...
Show moreThe purpose of this study was to investigate how conservatism affects a person's perception of everyday details. It is hypothesized that there will be a positive correlation between the participants' conservative ratings and the amount of details from the readings they recall that are also conservative. This will also mean that there will be a negative correlation between the participants scoring higher on the conservatism scale and the amount of liberal details they recall. A similar pattern is expected to be discovered pertaining to participants that identify as more liberal. How is this measured? The participants will be asked to rate the their political views on a scale of 1-6, 1 being extremely liberal, and 6 being extremely conservative. A transcript of a political debate will contain views that are both conservative and liberal. Each view will be backed up by details supporting each of a candidate's policies. The transcript will include minor grammatical errors including punctuation, spelling, and tenses, all of which the participant will be asked to correct. Following this will be a mathematical task which will include converting mixed numbers to improper fractions at the difficulty of a fifth grade level. A memory recall task will then be administered to the participants asking them to recall as many of the details from the debate as possible.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2011
- Identifier
- CFH0003773, ucf:44745
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFH0003773
- Title
- FAçADE DEMOCRACY: DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION IN KAZAKHSTAN AND UZBEKISTAN.
- Creator
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Merritt, Robin Nicole, ME Jungblut, Bernadette, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
-
This thesis explores the reasons behind the stagnation in the transition to democracy in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan. According to their constitutions, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan are democracies. In actuality, however, there is little evidence to support that these are democratic systems. These states' post-Soviet constitutions outline them as democracies – yet they lack a free press; freedom of association is suppressed; religious freedom is limited; and free speech is constrained as well....
Show moreThis thesis explores the reasons behind the stagnation in the transition to democracy in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan. According to their constitutions, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan are democracies. In actuality, however, there is little evidence to support that these are democratic systems. These states' post-Soviet constitutions outline them as democracies – yet they lack a free press; freedom of association is suppressed; religious freedom is limited; and free speech is constrained as well. While these two countries hold popular elections, much of their electoral processes are under the control of the executive branch of government - calling into question whether or not Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan really hold "fair and competitive" elections. In sum, in both of these states, democracy is de jure rather than de facto. Why is this so? Why are Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan not the democracies in practice that they are on paper?Many scholars and policy-makers blame the stagnation in these states' democratic transitions on the firm hands used by the countries' presidents to maintain their current power and even to increase it. Other scholars point out that Central Asia has never been democratic and thus does not know how to be so. These scholars refer, in particular, to the region's history as part of the Russian Empire and later, as part of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). Using frameworks drawn from Dahl's Polyarchy (1971) and Huntington's The Third Wave (1991), this thesis finds that not only are Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan straying from their constitutional democratic starting points, no single factor is to blame for the stagnation in the transitions to democracy in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan. Rather, it is the combination of multiple factors – both internal and external – that provides the most comprehensive explanation of these states' failure to become full-fledged democracies. Combining the elements of strong dictator-like presidents with a lack of democratic history is but the tip of the iceberg. Internal factors such as "political culture" and external factors such as the influence of the international community also play major roles in the current state of affairs in these Central Asian states.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2004
- Identifier
- CFE0000118, ucf:46192
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0000118
- Title
- LOOKING IN THE MIRROR: INTRA-PARTY DEMOCRACY AND PARTY POLITICS IN SOUTHERN AFRICA.
- Creator
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Ryan, Ty, Young, Kurt, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
-
Political parties serve as a link between the state and society. Being so, they have a fundamental role in the consolidation of democratic values. It then becomes important to understand their internal functions and character. The purpose of this thesis is to measure the levels of intra-party democracy within three opposition political parties in Southern Africa. Also, this thesis seeks to show whether authoritarian political culture has an affect on a democratic party's behavior. This thesis...
Show morePolitical parties serve as a link between the state and society. Being so, they have a fundamental role in the consolidation of democratic values. It then becomes important to understand their internal functions and character. The purpose of this thesis is to measure the levels of intra-party democracy within three opposition political parties in Southern Africa. Also, this thesis seeks to show whether authoritarian political culture has an affect on a democratic party's behavior. This thesis will strive to show that as party levels of intra-party democracy decrease, fracturing in the party increases. A qualitative case study was conducted on UNITA in Angola, the ANC in South Africa, and the MDC in Zimbabwe. A content analysis was performed on the parties' respective constitutions and official party documents, as well as other scholarly writings. This was paired with an historical analysis of the case states and parties. The parties were assessed along a determined framework for intra-party democracy: political environment, legal framework of the state and party, the inclusiveness of the party, and party economics. Inclusiveness of the party gauges membership participation, leadership competition, gender parity, and oversight. The ANC exhibited the highest levels of intra-party democracy, and has shown the most stability. The MDC was found to have the lowest levels, and has split multiple times in recent years. All the parties demonstrated a need to open leadership participation and create better oversight mechanisms. Political parties proved to be a critical element in a state's potential democratic development, and though there exists deficiencies, the political parties of this study seem committed in many of their functions to this goal.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2013
- Identifier
- CFH0004464, ucf:45102
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFH0004464
- Title
- The Conditionality of Vulnerability: Three Analyses of Risk and Opportunity in Civil Military Relations.
- Creator
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Schiel, Rebecca, Powell, Jonathan, Kinsey, Barbara, Dolan, Thomas, Thyne, Clayton, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
-
Prior research has not established a clear relationship between democracy and insulation from coups d'(&)#233;tat. I contend that the lack of attention paid to the conditional influences of democracy have resulted in these mixed findings. I posit that insulation from coups occurs at higher levels of economic development and judicial institutional strength in democracies. Further, the vulnerability at low levels of both economic development and judicial institutional strength is significantly...
Show morePrior research has not established a clear relationship between democracy and insulation from coups d'(&)#233;tat. I contend that the lack of attention paid to the conditional influences of democracy have resulted in these mixed findings. I posit that insulation from coups occurs at higher levels of economic development and judicial institutional strength in democracies. Further, the vulnerability at low levels of both economic development and judicial institutional strength is significantly greater in democracies than in autocracies. Empirical assessments of 165 states for the years 1950-2012 offer strong support for both arguments. Results from these studies first help to reconcile earlier research on coup risk in democracies. Second, I point to the conditionality of democratic coup risk by highlighting the roles of economic development and political institutions. Third, I underscore the vast differences in institutional arrangements within democracies, suggesting a more nuanced approach is needed in the study of democratic political institutions. In line with this research, I examine the propensity for democratization in the aftermath of irregular leader removal. Examining the actors and tactics associated with different removal types, I focus on the benefits and challenges posed to democratization in the aftermath of removals. In an empirical assessment of authoritarian states from 1950-2012, I find that only removals resulting from coups, in conjunction with economic development, have significantly higher rates of democratization compared with the null. The results of this study are twofold, finding that not all forms of irregular leadership removal result in similar rates of post-removal democratization and that coups have driven prior results finding an association between irregular leader removal, economic development, and democratization.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2018
- Identifier
- CFE0007365, ucf:52087
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0007365
- Title
- Why is Democracy in Decline: Democratic Backsliding in Venezuela and Turkey.
- Creator
-
Bayraktar, Fatih, Ash, Konstantin, Wilson, Bruce, Dolan, Thomas, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
-
It has long been argued that the end of the 20th century marked the triumph of liberal democracy. The third wave of democracy has increased the number of democracies in the world unprecedentedly and gave hope to many that democratic revolution is underway. However, in the last decade, this democratization process seems to have halted; there has been decline both in the number and quality of democracies. This thesis proposes an agent-based theory of democratic backsliding. More specifically,...
Show moreIt has long been argued that the end of the 20th century marked the triumph of liberal democracy. The third wave of democracy has increased the number of democracies in the world unprecedentedly and gave hope to many that democratic revolution is underway. However, in the last decade, this democratization process seems to have halted; there has been decline both in the number and quality of democracies. This thesis proposes an agent-based theory of democratic backsliding. More specifically, it is argued that leaders with undemocratic normative preferences and their ability to mobilize previously persecuted segments of society are the driving factors behind the present-day authoritarian resurgence. While the leader's fight with the oppressors of the marginalized group can bring a short-term of democratization, we argue that the unconditional support given by the marginalized group to the leader can allow the leader to undermine democracy by removing the checks on his power. The paper attempts to investigate similarities in the process of democratic derogation in a comparative case study of Venezuela and Turkey. The study shows that the support given to Erdogan and Chavez by the previously persecuted groups in their respective countries, religious/conservatives in Turkey and poor in Venezuela, allowed both leaders to undermine democracy in a subtle and incremental way.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2018
- Identifier
- CFE0007155, ucf:52302
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0007155
- Title
- Investigating Social Capital and Political Action in the Middle East.
- Creator
-
Abdel-Wahab, Amr, Morales, Waltraud, Fine, Terri, Houghton, David, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
-
This study addresses the relationship between social capital and political action in the Middle East. The research uncovers indicators of how social capital correlates with democratic action. Using data from the 2005 World Values Survey, the examination centers on indicators of trust and membership in civic organizations and how they relate to political action in the region. The paper concludes with discussion of how trust-building and reciprocity can be interpreted within the political...
Show moreThis study addresses the relationship between social capital and political action in the Middle East. The research uncovers indicators of how social capital correlates with democratic action. Using data from the 2005 World Values Survey, the examination centers on indicators of trust and membership in civic organizations and how they relate to political action in the region. The paper concludes with discussion of how trust-building and reciprocity can be interpreted within the political context of the Middle East, and how the relevance of social capital will be an unavoidable consideration in the transition away from autocracy in the region, especially when considering recent events.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2011
- Identifier
- CFE0004083, ucf:49137
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0004083
- Title
- African Regional Organizations and Democracy.
- Creator
-
Schoppert, Stephanie, Morales, Waltraud, Turcu, Anca, Vasquez, Joseph, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
-
Instability and political repression are two reasons why many states in Africa are unable to develop. African regional organizations have the potential to encourage democracy, stability and development within their regions if they have the right tools. Using case studies of two major interventions by African regional organizations this thesis will determine what those tools may be. Both the intervention of ECOWAS into Liberia and the SADC into the DRC were rife with problems but they were...
Show moreInstability and political repression are two reasons why many states in Africa are unable to develop. African regional organizations have the potential to encourage democracy, stability and development within their regions if they have the right tools. Using case studies of two major interventions by African regional organizations this thesis will determine what those tools may be. Both the intervention of ECOWAS into Liberia and the SADC into the DRC were rife with problems but they were able to bring some stability and even democracy to states in crisis. This thesis finds that African regional organizations can promote democracy and stability, but the focus is always on stability for the region. With strong institutions and mandates, policy agreement and strong leadership, African regional organizations can bring stability, development and even democracy to their regions.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2013
- Identifier
- CFE0004750, ucf:49778
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0004750
- Title
- The Perception of Turkey in the Middle East in the Last Decade: The Cases of Egypt and Tunisia.
- Creator
-
Hasgur, Mesud, Sadri, Houman, Morales, Waltraud, Houghton, David, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
-
This study examined the factors affecting the perception of Turkey in the Middle East from 2002 onwards by analyzing the combination of media, political elite discourse and people's political predispositions in the cases of Egypt and Tunisia. The research is separated into two parts. In the first part of 2002-2010, the factors of democratization, economic development, foreign policy activism, Islamic Oriented Government as well as Turkish TV series were found to be critical in the explanation...
Show moreThis study examined the factors affecting the perception of Turkey in the Middle East from 2002 onwards by analyzing the combination of media, political elite discourse and people's political predispositions in the cases of Egypt and Tunisia. The research is separated into two parts. In the first part of 2002-2010, the factors of democratization, economic development, foreign policy activism, Islamic Oriented Government as well as Turkish TV series were found to be critical in the explanation of Turkey's popularity. In the second part of 2010-2013, democratization and foreign policy activism were the most effective factors while the other variables still had some effect. In particular the study looked at the news titles, articles, headlines in newspapers, as well as the views of journalists, activists, bloggers, politicians, and academics, which together shaped public perception. A brief historical background is also given in regards to the mutual prejudices and stereotypes between Arabs and Turks during Ottoman rule and the 20th century. The thesis concludes by emphasizing the continuation of democratic progress and reforms in Turkey as well as the need for foreign policy adjustment according to crisis situations as a policy recommendation for the government. The present study also seeks to contribute to both the public opinion theory of Zaller and the recent literature on the (")Turkish Model(").
Show less - Date Issued
- 2013
- Identifier
- CFE0005349, ucf:50499
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0005349
- Title
- CURES TO STALLED DEVELOPMENT: CAUSES AND SOLUTIONS TO ECONOMIC CRISIS IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA.
- Creator
-
Thiboutot, Monika, Jungblut, Bernadette, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
-
The purpose of this thesis is to investigate some of the contending issues associated with economic underdevelopment in sub-Saharan African states. Specifically, this thesis focuses on the combined effects of World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) economic austerity programs, the increased spread of the HIV/AIDS pandemic, and the continuous democratic deficit on the sluggish economic performance within four sub-Saharan African countries – Ghana, Kenya, Botswana and the...
Show moreThe purpose of this thesis is to investigate some of the contending issues associated with economic underdevelopment in sub-Saharan African states. Specifically, this thesis focuses on the combined effects of World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) economic austerity programs, the increased spread of the HIV/AIDS pandemic, and the continuous democratic deficit on the sluggish economic performance within four sub-Saharan African countries – Ghana, Kenya, Botswana and the Democratic Republic of Congo. The research questions are: are there any unique political, cultural, and economic issues that underscore and determine the path of sub-Saharan African development? What are the potentials for sub-Saharan Africa going beyond its present state of socioeconomic and political underdevelopment? Can sub-Saharan African nation-states truly claim the 21st century? It is hoped that what is learned from examining the situation in these four countries may be generalizeable to other sub-Saharan African states. This thesis has been written with the conviction that sub-Saharan Africa, although it has missed opportunities over the past thirty years, has not completely closed the door on economic development. Although sub-Saharan African conditions have not favored development and there is no simple solution for sub-Saharan Africa's economic and social ills, there are a number of 'common sense' approaches toward sustainable economic and social development. This thesis examines why sub-Saharan Africa's economic crisis has persevered for three decades, and why efforts to establish and uphold more effective economic policies and functioning public institutions have been so much more difficult in sub-Saharan Africa than elsewhere. My account concentrates on political and institutional factors: I explore how the predicament has progressed over the last thirty years, and the repercussions of the long-term nature of this predicament. The focal purpose is to identify and explain the causes which have kept sub-Saharan Africa for several decades mired in an ostensibly permanent crisis. The general theme of the thesis emphasizes that politics and economics are interconnected in sub-Saharan Africa. Moreover, the thesis focuses on the changing role of politics and markets in the process of economic development since the 1970s – and prospects for the future of this region.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2006
- Identifier
- CFE0001476, ucf:47086
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0001476
- Title
- More Guns, Less Butter, and Officers at the Table: Understanding the Nexus between the Military's Integration into Politics and Resource Allocation in Democracies and Non-Democracies.
- Creator
-
Ben Hammou, Salah, Powell, Jonathan, Boutton, Andrew, Mirilovic, Nikola, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
-
The civilianization of government is often seen as a necessary prerequisite for successful democratization and healthy civil-military relations. This thesis explores the impact of integrating the military into political decision-making on the distribution of (")guns(") and (")butter(") (-) military spending and social spending - across dictatorships and democracies. Whereas a general consensus suggests that autocracies allocate greater goods to the military and fewer goods to the general...
Show moreThe civilianization of government is often seen as a necessary prerequisite for successful democratization and healthy civil-military relations. This thesis explores the impact of integrating the military into political decision-making on the distribution of (")guns(") and (")butter(") (-) military spending and social spending - across dictatorships and democracies. Whereas a general consensus suggests that autocracies allocate greater goods to the military and fewer goods to the general public relative to democracies, an understudied variable is the military's integration into politics in both democracies and autocracies. Given that military elites have greater incentives relative to civilian elites to prioritize military spending over social spending, I expect that integrating officers into politics should yield greater military outlays and fewer social outlays relative to more civilianized regimes, democratic or otherwise.Drawing on a number of theories concerning contentious civil-military relations, I frame this process of integration and its subsequent consequence as part of a broader means to ameliorate commitment issues between leaders and the armed forces. Specifically, I view power-sharing with military elites as a potential tool democrats and dictators may use to ensure the loyalty of the armed forces and mitigate the threat of defection or a coup d'etat. I test my arguments using data on the proportion of national cabinet positions held by military officers across 138 countries between 1964-2008. Offering some support for my expectations, this thesis highlights the necessity of fine-tuned data to explore civil-military processes and reasserts that the military may influence politics across multiple regime settings and outside of overtly ruling the country..
Show less - Date Issued
- 2019
- Identifier
- CFE0007784, ucf:52367
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0007784
- Title
- Electing or Appointing School District Superintendents in the State of Florida: A Comparison of Characteristics and Performance of Districts Led by Elected Superintendents Versus Districts Led by Appointed Superintendents.
- Creator
-
Smith, Timothy, Johnson, Jerry, Doherty, Walter, Vitale, Thomas, Fritz, Ronald, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
-
Florida and Alabama are the only two states in the United States of America with school districts led by either elected superintendents or appointed superintendents. The other 48 states only have appointed superintendent-led school districts. The current study was conducted to examine the impact of the superintendent governance structure on student learning by analyzing differences in student achievement between Florida school districts led by elected superintendents and Florida school...
Show moreFlorida and Alabama are the only two states in the United States of America with school districts led by either elected superintendents or appointed superintendents. The other 48 states only have appointed superintendent-led school districts. The current study was conducted to examine the impact of the superintendent governance structure on student learning by analyzing differences in student achievement between Florida school districts led by elected superintendents and Florida school districts led by appointed superintendents. The conceptual framework of the study was the tension between democratic localism and professionalism. Dynamics associated with the conceptual framework are relevant to the current debate.This quantitative study included cross-tabulations of the superintendent governance structure by regions and by locale codes. Descriptive statistics were used to define differences between school districts with elected or appointed superintendents in the areas of enrollment, free/reduced lunch, ELL populations, test scores, and graduation rates. An independent samples t-test was used to further analyze the demographic variables. A one-way ANCOVA was employed to determine if the superintendent governance structure or the demographic variables were associated with variances in student achievement.Research findings indicated that appointed superintendent-led school districts performed slightly higher than elected superintendent-led school districts. However, the superintendent governance structure did not have a statistically significant relationship with student achievement. Instead, poverty, as measured by free/reduced lunch rates, had a statistically significant relationship with student achievement.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2019
- Identifier
- CFE0007727, ucf:52416
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0007727
- Title
- DIVIDED GOVERNMENT AND CONGRESSIONAL FOREIGN POLICY: A CASE STUDY OF THE POST-WORLD WAR II ERA IN AMERICAN GOVERNMENT.
- Creator
-
Feinman, David, Houghton, David, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
-
The purpose of this research is to analyze the relationship between the executive and legislative branches of American federal government, during periods within which these two branches are led by different political parties, to discover whether the legislative branch attempts to independently legislate and enact foreign policy by using "the power of the purse" to either appropriate in support of or refuse to appropriate in opposition to military engagement abroad. The methodology for this...
Show moreThe purpose of this research is to analyze the relationship between the executive and legislative branches of American federal government, during periods within which these two branches are led by different political parties, to discover whether the legislative branch attempts to independently legislate and enact foreign policy by using "the power of the purse" to either appropriate in support of or refuse to appropriate in opposition to military engagement abroad. The methodology for this research includes the analysis and comparison of certain variables, including public opinion, budgetary constraints, and the relative majority of the party that holds power in one or both chambers, and the ways these variables may impact the behavior of the legislative branch in this regard. It also includes the analysis of appropriations requests made by the legislative branch for funding military engagement in rejection of requests from the executive branch for all military engagements that occurred during periods of divided government from 1946 through 2009.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2011
- Identifier
- CFE0003657, ucf:48840
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0003657
