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THE DISPARITY OF MILITARY POWER BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES, EUROPE AND ITS EFFECT ON TRANSTALANTIC DEFENSE PROJECT COOPERATION
Title
THE DISPARITY OF MILITARY POWER BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES, EUROPE AND ITS EFFECT ON TRANSTALANTIC DEFENSE PROJECT COOPERATION.
Creator
Johnson, John-Michael, Houghton, David, University of Central Florida
Abstract / Description
This study investigated what determines successful transatlantic defense policy cooperation and how that cooperation can reduce the military capability gap between the United States and its European NATO allies. It examines the differing defense policies and defense capabilities between the United States and its European NATO allies. Several theories in International Relations were also used as a foundation for the argument that cooperation is needed. The approach to defense policy is very...
Show moreThis study investigated what determines successful transatlantic defense policy cooperation and how that cooperation can reduce the military capability gap between the United States and its European NATO allies. It examines the differing defense policies and defense capabilities between the United States and its European NATO allies. Several theories in International Relations were also used as a foundation for the argument that cooperation is needed. The approach to defense policy is very different between the United States and Europe. The strategic vision of the world of both parties differs as well. Policy, doctrine and defense projects are all taken into consideration and analyzed. Based on the results of the analysis of policy and doctrines, the policy recommendation is that there should be more cooperation on defense policy planning, military doctrine and defense projects conducted in the effective fashion of current successful cases. The European NATO members will also need to cooperate on such policy if the military capability gap is to be lessened.
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Date Issued
2008
Identifier
CFE0002417, ucf:47762
Format
Document (PDF)
PURL
http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0002417
NATO ENLARGEMENT: POLAND, THE BALTICS, UKRAINE AND GEORGIA
Title
NATO ENLARGEMENT: POLAND, THE BALTICS, UKRAINE AND GEORGIA.
Creator
Radcliffe, Christopher M., Sadri, Houman Dr., Solonari, Vladimir Dr., University of Central Florida
Abstract / Description
Over the past two decades, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has enlarged several times to include a number of new countries. The first two case studies that are analyzed within this paper include key countries that were added in the 1999 and 2004 rounds of NATO enlargement: Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia. The third case study takes a closer look at two countries, Ukraine and Georgia, that sought to become members of NATO but were denied Membership Action Plans (MAPs)...
Show moreOver the past two decades, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has enlarged several times to include a number of new countries. The first two case studies that are analyzed within this paper include key countries that were added in the 1999 and 2004 rounds of NATO enlargement: Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia. The third case study takes a closer look at two countries, Ukraine and Georgia, that sought to become members of NATO but were denied Membership Action Plans (MAPs) because of Russian discontent and military intervention. It is questionable if Russia will use military force to disrupt the territorial sovereignty of future prospective NATO candidate countries. This paper aims to identify the trend between countries seeking NATO membership and Russian intervention within these countries. Poland joined NATO in 1999, and much to Moscow's dislike, NATO's borders expanded farther into Eastern Europe. The Baltic States, Latvia, Estonia, and Lithuania, joined NATO in 2004, pushing the NATO border right against Russia's northwestern front. This gave western alliances the ability to host military operations through NATO on the Russian border. It is apparent that Moscow has done everything in its power to prevent more countries that share a border with Russia from joining NATO. Only three months after the Bucharest Summit in 2008, Russia invaded two territories in Georgia. After the pro-Russian president in Ukraine was ousted in 2014, Russia invaded Eastern Ukraine and annexed the Crimean Peninsula. In order to be offered a MAP, the candidate country must have complete sovereignty over its territory. By invading key points within both Georgia and Ukraine, Russia was delaying their ability to become members of the security alliance. It is apparent that there is a connection between increased NATO collaboration with countries that border Russia, and military action taken upon those countries by Russia.
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Date Issued
2018
Identifier
CFH2000400, ucf:45915
Format
Document (PDF)
PURL
http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFH2000400
GEORGE LISKA'S REALIST ALLIANCE THEORY, AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF NATO
Title
GEORGE LISKA'S REALIST ALLIANCE THEORY, AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF NATO.
Creator
Kireyev, Sergey, Handberg, Roger, University of Central Florida
Abstract / Description
In many aspects, political theory forms a subjective structure of this abstract science. Perhaps, it is due to the fact that unlike natural sciences or mathematics, social sciences often lack the privilege of testing the theories in absolute and unadulterated conditions. Nonetheless, such nature of the science allows for a certain degree of flexibility, when applying political theories to real-world phenomena. Alliances and coalitions in international relations form the backbone of the theory...
Show moreIn many aspects, political theory forms a subjective structure of this abstract science. Perhaps, it is due to the fact that unlike natural sciences or mathematics, social sciences often lack the privilege of testing the theories in absolute and unadulterated conditions. Nonetheless, such nature of the science allows for a certain degree of flexibility, when applying political theories to real-world phenomena. Alliances and coalitions in international relations form the backbone of the theory, concerning IR scholars with two main questions: Why do alliances and coalitions form? And, what keeps alliances and coalitions together? As the core of my research, I examined NATO, as the most prominent and long-lasting alliance of our time, through the prism of alliance formation and cohesion theory introduced by George Liska. In particular, I explored the evolution of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization over the term of its existence, and sought to determine whether Liska's principles still apply to the contemporary situation, and in particular, how may the variables have altered the application of this scholar's theory to our future understanding of alliances. In its essence, this is a comparative study of the same alliance during the different stages of its existence. In particular, the comparison dissects such aspects of alliance theory as alignment, alliance formation, efficacy, and reasons for possible dissolution. As a result, the study led to a conclusion, that despite the permutations around and within NATO, the basic realist principles that may explain the mechanism of this alliance's formation and cohesion still apply to the contemporary organization.
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Date Issued
2004
Identifier
CFE0000211, ucf:46247
Format
Document (PDF)
PURL
http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0000211
LEGITIMIZING THE "REPUBLICAN MONARCH": A REEXAMINATION OF FRENCH FOREIGN POLICY IN THE ATLANTIC ALLIANCE, 1958-1960
Title
LEGITIMIZING THE "REPUBLICAN MONARCH": A REEXAMINATION OF FRENCH FOREIGN POLICY IN THE ATLANTIC ALLIANCE, 1958-1960.
Creator
Fedorka, Drew, Lyons, Amelia, University of Central Florida
Abstract / Description
This thesis focuses on the role foreign policy played in legitimizing the early French Fifth Republic from 1958 to 1960. I argue that President Charles de Gaulle employed foreign policy in the service of gaining public support for his new government and the new republic. Many historians have argued previously that his foreign policy of grandeur, as it came to be called, was used to recast international politics and France's role in them. My work diverges from these previous interpretations by...
Show moreThis thesis focuses on the role foreign policy played in legitimizing the early French Fifth Republic from 1958 to 1960. I argue that President Charles de Gaulle employed foreign policy in the service of gaining public support for his new government and the new republic. Many historians have argued previously that his foreign policy of grandeur, as it came to be called, was used to recast international politics and France's role in them. My work diverges from these previous interpretations by arguing that Gaullist foreign policy served, in many instances, overarching domestic goals, not French international interests. I see foreign policy as inseparable from the broader domestic ambition to craft a persuasive narrative of renewal and national unity under Gaullist stewardship. In the process, my study puts de Gaulle's foreign policy into the context of his larger aspiration to precipitate constitutional reform and, thereafter, ensure popular support. De Gaulle exploited opportunities to use foreign policy in order to shape public opinion, both domestically and internationally. These efforts, as my research reflects, helped foster public support for the new regime and, by portraying national renewal, further discredited the preceding Fourth Republic.
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Date Issued
2012
Identifier
CFH0004236, ucf:44906
Format
Document (PDF)
PURL
http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFH0004236
Maritime Pirates and Foreign Terrorist Organizations: Complicit Against the United States and NATO?
Title
Maritime Pirates and Foreign Terrorist Organizations: Complicit Against the United States and NATO?.
Creator
Lusk, William, Morales, Waltraud, Knuckey, Jonathan, Vasquez, Joseph, University of Central Florida
Abstract / Description
Maritime piracy, a phenomenon which has plagued free maritime trade for thousands of years, has entered a new age of sophistication and global reverberation. These acts of illegal criminal activity in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries yield a significant profit margin for the perpetrators while creating considerable cost for ransom payments, security measures, capital, and human life. The classification of maritime pirates, as either criminals hoping to gain financial income...
Show moreMaritime piracy, a phenomenon which has plagued free maritime trade for thousands of years, has entered a new age of sophistication and global reverberation. These acts of illegal criminal activity in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries yield a significant profit margin for the perpetrators while creating considerable cost for ransom payments, security measures, capital, and human life. The classification of maritime pirates, as either criminals hoping to gain financial income or terrorists hoping to usher in political change, is warranted and compelling. If maritime pirates conduct their operations to institute political change, it is possible that flags of the United States and its allies can be more susceptible to pirate attacks than others. The author argues that although the definitional separation of (")maritime piracy(") and (")terrorism(") is becoming increasingly blurred in the twenty-first century, pirates will attack ships based on convenience and opportunity rather than based on the flags of vessels. Testing of this theory will be based on quantitative data produced by the International Maritime Bureau to test pirates' ideologies as a variable. To test if deprivation is a variable to consider, the author will also compare Indonesian economic performance with the frequency of attempted pirate attacks off its waters.
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Date Issued
2012
Identifier
CFE0004573, ucf:49201
Format
Document (PDF)
PURL
http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0004573
DIVIDED GOVERNMENT AND CONGRESSIONAL FOREIGN POLICY: A CASE STUDY OF THE POST-WORLD WAR II ERA IN AMERICAN GOVERNMENT
Title
DIVIDED GOVERNMENT AND CONGRESSIONAL FOREIGN POLICY: A CASE STUDY OF THE POST-WORLD WAR II ERA IN AMERICAN GOVERNMENT.
Creator
Feinman, David, Houghton, David, University of Central Florida
Abstract / Description
The purpose of this research is to analyze the relationship between the executive and legislative branches of American federal government, during periods within which these two branches are led by different political parties, to discover whether the legislative branch attempts to independently legislate and enact foreign policy by using "the power of the purse" to either appropriate in support of or refuse to appropriate in opposition to military engagement abroad. The methodology for this...
Show moreThe purpose of this research is to analyze the relationship between the executive and legislative branches of American federal government, during periods within which these two branches are led by different political parties, to discover whether the legislative branch attempts to independently legislate and enact foreign policy by using "the power of the purse" to either appropriate in support of or refuse to appropriate in opposition to military engagement abroad. The methodology for this research includes the analysis and comparison of certain variables, including public opinion, budgetary constraints, and the relative majority of the party that holds power in one or both chambers, and the ways these variables may impact the behavior of the legislative branch in this regard. It also includes the analysis of appropriations requests made by the legislative branch for funding military engagement in rejection of requests from the executive branch for all military engagements that occurred during periods of divided government from 1946 through 2009.
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Date Issued
2011
Identifier
CFE0003657, ucf:48840
Format
Document (PDF)
PURL
http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0003657