Current Search: Suffrage (x)
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Title
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The ballot and the class struggle.
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Creator
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De Leon, Daniel, Socialist Labor Party
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Date Issued
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1947
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Identifier
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2178730, CFDT2178730, ucf:4928
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/FCLA/DT/2178730
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Title
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WHAT IMPACT IS FELONY DISENFRANCHISEMENT HAVING ON HISPANICS IN FLORIDA?.
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Creator
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Sanchez, Angel E, Wilson, Bruce, University of Central Florida
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Abstract / Description
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This research produces original empirical estimates of Hispanics in Florida's Dept. of Corrections (FDOC) and uses those estimates to measure the impact felony disenfranchisement is having on Hispanics in Florida. Research institutions find that data on Hispanics in the criminal justice system, particularly in Florida, is either lacking or inaccurate. This research addresses this problem by applying an optimal surname list method using Census Bureau data and Bayes Theorem to produce an...
Show moreThis research produces original empirical estimates of Hispanics in Florida's Dept. of Corrections (FDOC) and uses those estimates to measure the impact felony disenfranchisement is having on Hispanics in Florida. Research institutions find that data on Hispanics in the criminal justice system, particularly in Florida, is either lacking or inaccurate. This research addresses this problem by applying an optimal surname list method using Census Bureau data and Bayes Theorem to produce an empirical estimate of Hispanics in FDOC's data. Using the Hispanic rate derived from the empirical FDOC analysis, the rate of Hispanics in the disenfranchised population is estimated. The results reveal that FDOC systematically undercounts Hispanics (and overcounts Whites) by nearly 8 percent - i.e., there are over 2.5 times more Hispanics in FDOC data than actually reported by FDOC. However, even when applying the upward adjusted rate of Hispanics to the disenfranchised population, Hispanics are still underrepresented and less likely to be disenfranchised than their White and Black counterparts in Florida. This research provides an accurate up-to-date state of the data with respect to Hispanics in FDOC; it applies a surname method which other researchers can use to address lacking or inaccurate data on Hispanics in the criminal justice system; and it calls into question research that relies on FDOC's inaccurate race data. Taken together, these findings might facilitate answers to many pressing questions on felony disenfranchisement in Florida and its impact on the political process.
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Date Issued
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2017
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Identifier
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CFH2000216, ucf:46035
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFH2000216
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Title
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THE ORIGINS OF THE FIRST WOMEN'S RIGHTS CONVENTION: FROM PROPERTY RIGHTS AND REPUBLICAN MOTHERHOOD TO ORGANIZATION AND REFORM, 1776-1848.
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Creator
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Lengyel, Deborah, Lester, Connie, University of Central Florida
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Abstract / Description
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The purpose of this thesis is to examine the origins of the first women's rights convention held at Seneca Falls, NY during the summer of 1848. Taxation without representation was one of the foundations that the Continental Congress used as a basis for Independence from England. But when the revolution ended and the Republic was formed, the United States adopted many English laws and traditions regarding the status of women. Women, who were citizens or could be naturalized, were left...
Show moreThe purpose of this thesis is to examine the origins of the first women's rights convention held at Seneca Falls, NY during the summer of 1848. Taxation without representation was one of the foundations that the Continental Congress used as a basis for Independence from England. But when the revolution ended and the Republic was formed, the United States adopted many English laws and traditions regarding the status of women. Women, who were citizens or could be naturalized, were left civically invisible by the code of laws (coverture) once they married. They were not able to own property, form contracts, sue or be sued. In essence, they were "covered" by their husbands under coverture. Single women who owned property or inherited property were subject to taxation, though they had no voice in the elective franchise. Therefore, women, both married and single, who were counted for legislative purposes, were given no voice in choosing their government representatives. I conclude that there were three bases for women's rights: equity, Republican Motherhood, and women's organizations. The legal concept of equity, the domestic ideology of Republican Motherhood combined with the social model of women's organizations formed the earliest foundation of what would become the first feminist movement, leading directly to the Declaration of Sentiments at Seneca Falls in 1848. Through an analysis of the changes in women's property ownership to the enhancement of the female domestic role in the early nineteenth century, women challenged their place in the public sphere. The sisterhood that was created as a result of the new domestic ideology and improved female education led to the creation of organizations to improve women's place in society. Through an almost fifty year evolution, the earliest women's volunteer organizations became the mid-nineteenth century reform organizations, leading to a campaign for woman's suffrage.
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Date Issued
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2007
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Identifier
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CFE0001926, ucf:47434
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0001926
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Title
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The battle's lost and won: ratification of the nineteenth amendment in Tennessee.
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Creator
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Beale, Judith, Leckie, Shirley A., Arts and Sciences
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Abstract / Description
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University of Central Florida College of Arts and Sciences Thesis; Tennessee ratified the Nineteenth amendment by a margin of one vote. This study, therefore, examines Tennessee, its politics, and its politicians to see to what extent the usual historical explanations that states' rights and the liquor and railroad industries were the main obstructions to Tennessee's ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment. It concludes that women's increased access to education and employment affected too...
Show moreUniversity of Central Florida College of Arts and Sciences Thesis; Tennessee ratified the Nineteenth amendment by a margin of one vote. This study, therefore, examines Tennessee, its politics, and its politicians to see to what extent the usual historical explanations that states' rights and the liquor and railroad industries were the main obstructions to Tennessee's ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment. It concludes that women's increased access to education and employment affected too few women in the state to cause a great demand for the vote. Moreover, corporate opponents and racist fears were less important as impediments to ratification than historians have believed. Legislators voted neither out of fear of federal intervention, nor from party loyalty; they considered each issue on its merits. Whether it was good for the state, their constituents, and their own political careers seem likely reasons for their decisions. Woman suffrage hung in the balance until the last possible minute so that one vote eventually determined the outcome in Tennessee.
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Date Issued
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2000
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Identifier
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CFR0000175, ucf:52936
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFR0000175