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- Title
- A DIPLOMAT'S PORTRAIT: THE UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF STATE'S VIEW ON FRENCH IMPERIAL POLICY REGARDING SYRIAN RELIGIOUS MINORITIES OF 1918-1922.
- Creator
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Charles, Dominic, Ozoglu, Hakan, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
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This thesis examines documents from the US department of State relating to the Internal Affairs of Turkey in the years of 1918-1922, to answer questions pertaining to French imperial policy directed toward minority groups in French Mandate Syria, which included present-day nations of Lebanon and Syria. Of the many minority groups present in French Mandate Syria, I chose to examine the Maronite, Druze, Alawi, Eastern Christian, and Armenian communities because of their significant role in the...
Show moreThis thesis examines documents from the US department of State relating to the Internal Affairs of Turkey in the years of 1918-1922, to answer questions pertaining to French imperial policy directed toward minority groups in French Mandate Syria, which included present-day nations of Lebanon and Syria. Of the many minority groups present in French Mandate Syria, I chose to examine the Maronite, Druze, Alawi, Eastern Christian, and Armenian communities because of their significant role in the state-building of Syria and Lebanon. By using documents originating from US diplomats, this thesis attempts to present the United States' view on these imperial policies. In the formation of this perspective, the thesis asks some of the following questions: What were the effects of French imperial policies on Syrian minorities? And how did French imperial policy regarding minorities shape French Syrian society as a whole? To answer these questions as completely as possible, I supplemented the archival sources with material from significant scholars in Levantine and broader Mid-East history, like Albert Hourani and Yaron Friedman. My research suggests that policies pursued had a negative impact on all of the minorities but to a lesser extent for the Maronites, and other Christians. It also suggests that French imperial policy led to the creation of a violent society but steps could have been taken to produce a more peaceful outcome. The final goal of this thesis is to provide the historical narratives of the minority groups with an additional perspective, that of the US diplomats throughout the region.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2015
- Identifier
- CFH0004830, ucf:45485
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFH0004830
- Title
- A CONTEMPORARY ANALYSIS AND COMPARISON OF KURDISH NATIONAL MOVEMENTS: SYRIA, IRAQ, AND TURKEY.
- Creator
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Lanza, Grayson, Sadri, Houman, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
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As commonly understood, and particularly espoused by Kurdish nationalists, the Kurds are by far the largest ethnic group in the world without their own nation-state. An estimated 2 to 2.5 million ethnically Kurdish people inhabit portions of Syria. There are approximately 6.5 million ethnically Kurdish people in Iraq, 7.6 million in Iran, and 16 million in Turkey. Overall, there are about 30 million Kurds in the world. In the broader context of the Kurdish nationalist struggle, this paper...
Show moreAs commonly understood, and particularly espoused by Kurdish nationalists, the Kurds are by far the largest ethnic group in the world without their own nation-state. An estimated 2 to 2.5 million ethnically Kurdish people inhabit portions of Syria. There are approximately 6.5 million ethnically Kurdish people in Iraq, 7.6 million in Iran, and 16 million in Turkey. Overall, there are about 30 million Kurds in the world. In the broader context of the Kurdish nationalist struggle, this paper suggests that there is a growing bipolar hegemony for power over the control of Kurdish land and politics. Research was predicated around the question of why not all Kurdish groups pursue full independence. Standing in contrast to each other despite relatively similar goals is the Group of Communities in Kurdistan (KCK) and the Kurdish Democratic Party (KDP). The KCK movement is the more diverse of the two, with its member organizations being the dominant forces of the Kurdish movement in Turkey, Syria, and Iran. Within Turkey, the KCK is represented politically through the HDP and PKK, along with the armed wing of the PKK (HPG). In Syria, KCK is represented politically through the PYD and its armed wing YPG. In Iran, the KCK is represented by PJAK and in Iraq it is represented by the PÇDK. In Syria and Turkey, KCK affiliated groups are the dominant political and militia force. The only Kurdish inhabited region where this is not the case is in the Kurdish Regional Government in Iraq, which is dominated politically, economically, and militarily by the KDP and its affiliates. The two camps differ in a host of ways: the KCK espouses anti-state, anarcho-socialist sentiment while the KDP opts for establishing a traditional nation-state. The KCK has poor relations with Turkey universally, while the KDP and by extension the KRG has warm relations built off of growing economic interests. Most importantly, their end goals for Kurdish society are drastically different: KCK organization call for autonomous communities and do not advocate for a state, in direct contrast to the KDP's long iii term goal of an independent nation-state for the Kurdish people. Despite the common enemy of Islamic State, tensions between the two camps have only increased as each looks to become the voice for the Kurdish nation.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2017
- Identifier
- CFH2000196, ucf:45998
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFH2000196
- Title
- THE UNITED NATIONS: THE SYRIAN REFUGEE CRISIS.
- Creator
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Syed, Zahra R, Sadri, Houman A., University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
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The main objective of this research paper is to analyze the international effects the Syrian Conflict has had to the global community. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees has declared this conflict to be the worst humanitarian crisis of our time. Millions of Syrians have fled their home country to avoid unjust persecution and are looking to not only neighboring countries, but the European Union for assistance in resettlement. Since the outbreak of the conflict in Syria in 2011,...
Show moreThe main objective of this research paper is to analyze the international effects the Syrian Conflict has had to the global community. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees has declared this conflict to be the worst humanitarian crisis of our time. Millions of Syrians have fled their home country to avoid unjust persecution and are looking to not only neighboring countries, but the European Union for assistance in resettlement. Since the outbreak of the conflict in Syria in 2011, more than 220,000 people have been massacred, leaving fifty percent of the population in unrest due to home displacement. According to Amnesty International, apart from the twelve million Syrians who are in dire need of humanitarian assistance inside the country, there are about four million refugees fleeing to countries such as Turkey, Jordan, Lebanon, Egypt, and Iraq. These five countries are unable to maintain the capacity of refugees that are desperate to pour in from Syria. Further gulf countries such as Qatar, United Arab Emirates, and Saudi Arabia have refused to offer any resettlement venues for these migrants. Therefore, a plethora of European Union countries have received many asylum applications over the course of four years. Germany and Sweden have pledged resettlement locations for these refugees however relying on these two countries is not enough. This paper provides a historical background of the civil war in Syria, along with what the United Nations has done thus far to end the conflict. It will also analyze similar refugee situations in other countries in the region and compare it that in Syria. Finally, it will provide possible solutions of how the Refugee Agency, Human Rights Council, and Security Council can operate as a whole to distinguish this horrifying hostility in the region.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2016
- Identifier
- CFH2000111, ucf:45941
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFH2000111
- Title
- IRAN-SAUDI DYNAMIC RELATIONS AND THE ROLE OF OMAN AS A NEGOTIATOR.
- Creator
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Ikerd, Natalie, Sadri, Houman, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
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This thesis analyzes Iran-Saudi relations in the context of growing regional hostility. This research encompasses the domestic and foreign policies enacted by both states since 1979, accompanying a discussion of the historical background of their ties. Moreover, the future prospects of their relations regarding the utilization of Oman as a neutral negotiator for regional conflicts are examined. The significant contributing factors of each state to such dynamic ties include: the leadership,...
Show moreThis thesis analyzes Iran-Saudi relations in the context of growing regional hostility. This research encompasses the domestic and foreign policies enacted by both states since 1979, accompanying a discussion of the historical background of their ties. Moreover, the future prospects of their relations regarding the utilization of Oman as a neutral negotiator for regional conflicts are examined. The significant contributing factors of each state to such dynamic ties include: the leadership, national security, religion- politics connection, and their reaction to global instability indicators. Recently, Iran- Saudi hostility has been worsening due to their policies in the region in reaction to regional events. Thus, some may argue that the outlook of success for Omani role in negotiating between the two is seemingly less likely. The relations of these two Persian Gulf regional powers need to be examined further for future prospects.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2015
- Identifier
- CFH0004900, ucf:45492
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFH0004900
- Title
- IRGC AND IRANIAN SOFT AND HARD POWER INFLUENCE WITHIN THE MIDDLE EAST.
- Creator
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Urbina, Daryl F, Sadri, Houman A., University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
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The IRGC, or the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps, and Iran have utilized soft power to increase their influence within the Middle East. By using military superiority; ideological influence; and trade, both the Iran and the IRGC established dependency between themselves and patron states. Of these patron states, the research focuses on Iraq; Syria; and Yemen, and how Iran and the IRGC affect them through soft power. This research suggests that Iran and the IRGC is using the disability of the...
Show moreThe IRGC, or the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps, and Iran have utilized soft power to increase their influence within the Middle East. By using military superiority; ideological influence; and trade, both the Iran and the IRGC established dependency between themselves and patron states. Of these patron states, the research focuses on Iraq; Syria; and Yemen, and how Iran and the IRGC affect them through soft power. This research suggests that Iran and the IRGC is using the disability of the aforementioned states to increase their own influence by making them dependent on Iranian military supplies; cultural indoctrination to align with Iranian ideology; and economic dependent on Iran. As Iran's influence grows within these states, its power in the Middle East grows and becomes a security risk for Saudi Arabia; Israel; and any other regime that does not have its interests align with the Iranian regime.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2018
- Identifier
- CFH2000444, ucf:45770
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFH2000444
- Title
- The Arab Spring in North Africa: A Comparative Study of Key Factors and Actors.
- Creator
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Fuhrer, Robert, Sadri, Houman, Morales, Waltraud, Houghton, David, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
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This study analyzed the revolutions in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya (North Africa) beginning in late 2010. The first part of the study focused on variables that the North African revolutions shared. These variables were (")personalistic-style of dictatorship("), (")sizable percentage of youth in population("), and (")economic context("). These factors were then discussed as major descriptive variables that caused the revolutionary events in North Africa. The second part of the study assessed why...
Show moreThis study analyzed the revolutions in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya (North Africa) beginning in late 2010. The first part of the study focused on variables that the North African revolutions shared. These variables were (")personalistic-style of dictatorship("), (")sizable percentage of youth in population("), and (")economic context("). These factors were then discussed as major descriptive variables that caused the revolutionary events in North Africa. The second part of the study assessed why each North African revolution resulted in varying levels of violence. Concluding thoughts were made regarding the similarities and differences between the 2009 Iranian Green Revolution, events in other North African Arab-majority states such as Algeria and Morocco, and the on-going Syrian Revolution to the North African Revolutions
Show less - Date Issued
- 2013
- Identifier
- CFE0004681, ucf:49859
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0004681
- Title
- FROM PRE-ISLAM TO MANDATE STATES: EXAMINING CULTURAL IMPERIALISM AND CULTURAL BLEED IN THE LEVANT.
- Creator
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Willman, Gabriel, Özoğlu, Hakan, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
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To a large degree, historical analyses of the Levantine region tend to focus primarily upon martial interaction and state formation. However, perhaps of equitable impact is the chronology of those interactions which are cultural in nature. The long-term formative effect of cultural imperialism and cultural bleed can easily be as influential as the direct alterations imposed by martial invasion. While this study does not attempt to establish comparative causal weight or catalytic impact...
Show moreTo a large degree, historical analyses of the Levantine region tend to focus primarily upon martial interaction and state formation. However, perhaps of equitable impact is the chronology of those interactions which are cultural in nature. The long-term formative effect of cultural imperialism and cultural bleed can easily be as influential as the direct alterations imposed by martial invasion. While this study does not attempt to establish comparative causal weight or catalytic impact between these types of interactions, it does contend that the cultural evolution of the Levant has been significantly influenced by external interaction for a period of time extending beyond the Levantine Islamic Expansion. This study presents a chronological examination of the region from the pre-Expansion Period through the Mandate Period, focused upon relevant cultural structures. Specifically, emphasis is placed upon religious, ethnic, and nationalistic identity development, sociolinguistic shifts, and institutional changes within the societal structure. The primary conclusion of this study is that significant evidence exists to support a long-term historical narrative of externally influenced Levantine cultural evolution, inclusive of both adaptive and reactive interactions.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2013
- Identifier
- CFH0004490, ucf:45075
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFH0004490
- Title
- DEGREES OF CAUSALITY: AN ASSESSMENT OF ENDOGENOUS CONTRIBUTORS TO INSTABILITY IN JORDAN, SYRIA, & TURKEY.
- Creator
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Willman, Gabriel, Sadri, Houman, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
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The political instability of the Middle East is often perceived to be derived primarily from the interaction of Middle Eastern nations with external forces; with significant emphasis placed upon the disruptive effects of modern colonialism and Westernization. While this study does not seek to directly contest the catalytic primacy of exogenous factors, it does seek to establish the necessary causality of pre-existing internal factors. Rather than approaching the situation from a linear causal...
Show moreThe political instability of the Middle East is often perceived to be derived primarily from the interaction of Middle Eastern nations with external forces; with significant emphasis placed upon the disruptive effects of modern colonialism and Westernization. While this study does not seek to directly contest the catalytic primacy of exogenous factors, it does seek to establish the necessary causality of pre-existing internal factors. Rather than approaching the situation from a linear causal perspective, this assessment is oriented around an interdisciplinary examination of confluent factors. By examining the political history, ethno sociology, and economy of the region, the analysis investigates the underlying variables which have contributed to the instability of the Jordan, Syria, and Turkey. The primary conclusion of this analysis is that the interactions of multiple endogenous variables provide a basis of necessary causality which may be of equal causal import to that of modern colonialism and Westernization.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2012
- Identifier
- CFH0004228, ucf:44965
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFH0004228
- Title
- MISSING THE CONSEQUENCES: MISPERCEPTIONS OF THE 1967 SIX-DAY ISRAELI-ARAB WAR.
- Creator
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Miniello, Jonathan, Houghton, David, University of Central Florida
- Abstract / Description
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In recent times, the issues surrounding the "67 borders" have become part of the public debate. In recent speeches, President Obama has suggested that Israel should return to pre-1967 borders with "land-swaps" in exchange for some form of peace with the Palestinians living within current Israeli territory. The validity of Obama's suggestion has been questioned by both members of the political left and right and in the opinion of this author, with considerable merit. However, the ultimate...
Show moreIn recent times, the issues surrounding the "67 borders" have become part of the public debate. In recent speeches, President Obama has suggested that Israel should return to pre-1967 borders with "land-swaps" in exchange for some form of peace with the Palestinians living within current Israeli territory. The validity of Obama's suggestion has been questioned by both members of the political left and right and in the opinion of this author, with considerable merit. However, the ultimate judgment on the validity of Obama's suggestion should be based on a study encompassing the decisions, both correct and flawed, of the leaders during the 1967 war. For this, a study of collective misperceptions, decision making, and the eventual consequences such decisions brought is necessary. That is the purpose of this thesis. For a proper analysis of the misperceptions and decision making surrounding the 1967 war, its proper to review the source material. In that light, there is no shortage of material written about the 1967 war; American, Israel, and Arab authors have all contributed to the historical records. However, much of the material is focused on a historical perspective and not on the decision-making process. There are not many exceptions. Therefore, it becomes important to compare the newer analyzed material against the primary source material and discuss the discrepancies. At the end, it will be determined whether the collective governmental decisions based upon misperceptions accelerated, decelerated, or had a neutral effect on the outbreak of the war. Comparing the source material and viewing it through the filter of newly released information will constitute the methodology whenever possible. The results of this study have revealed a mixed bag of results depending on the nation in question. This was to be expected because individual nations are subject to different misperceptions. Nations falling under the spell of different misperceptions experience different consequences and outcomes than those who do not. Additionally, even if two separate nations are exposed to the same stimulus, their response may be completely different. In terms of the 1967 war, it can be stated that Israeli misperceptions staved off the start of the 1967 War, whereas Soviet and Arab misperceptions served to accelerate it. By contrast American misperceptions seemed to have little if any affect whatsoever. The purpose of thesis is to expose and documents misperceptions and the resulting consequences that arose from them. It is not designed to make judgments about the current political situation. However, it is the sincere hope of this author that when a situation runs parallel to the events of the 1967, some of the same mistakes can be avoided. Exactly what runs parallel, and what is significant in today's world, is left to the reader's own judgment.
Show less - Date Issued
- 2011
- Identifier
- CFH0004120, ucf:44889
- Format
- Document (PDF)
- PURL
- http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFH0004120
