Current Search: elections (x)
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Title
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HAVE NOMINATING CONVENTIONS LOST POWER?.
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Creator
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Branz, Tyler, Knuckey, Jonathan, University of Central Florida
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Abstract / Description
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Do conventions still have relevance in the modern political world? Some call them glorified television infomercials for presidential candidates while others refer to them as admired pillars of American political history. Whichever viewpoints one identifies with, presidential conventions are interesting to study historically, and can be studied analytically. The following case studies examine the institution of the nominating convention: what they do, how they form, what they have accomplished...
Show moreDo conventions still have relevance in the modern political world? Some call them glorified television infomercials for presidential candidates while others refer to them as admired pillars of American political history. Whichever viewpoints one identifies with, presidential conventions are interesting to study historically, and can be studied analytically. The following case studies examine the institution of the nominating convention: what they do, how they form, what they have accomplished and how they affect the voters. This study finds that conventions are still meaningful in American politics, particularly for affecting party unity, candidate image and, to a lesser degree, party platform.
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Date Issued
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2010
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Identifier
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CFE0003049, ucf:48351
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0003049
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Title
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FLORIDA NONPARTISAN TRIAL COURT ELECTIONS: AN ANALYSIS OF VOTER TURNOUT AND BALLOT ROLL-OFF.
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Creator
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Fagan, Shannon L, Jewett, Aubrey, University of Central Florida
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Abstract / Description
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This research explains the variance in voter turnout and ballot roll-off in county and circuit nonpartisan judicial elections in Florida from 2014 and 2016. Based on theory, a collection of constituent (demographic and socioeconomic), candidate, competition, and contextual variables is gathered to construct four regression models. Two full regression models were constructed for turnout and roll-off and analyzed using SPSS software, in addition to two best regression models analyzing five...
Show moreThis research explains the variance in voter turnout and ballot roll-off in county and circuit nonpartisan judicial elections in Florida from 2014 and 2016. Based on theory, a collection of constituent (demographic and socioeconomic), candidate, competition, and contextual variables is gathered to construct four regression models. Two full regression models were constructed for turnout and roll-off and analyzed using SPSS software, in addition to two best regression models analyzing five statistically significant variables found within each full model. Presidential year elections and higher populations age 65 and up had positive impacts on voter turnout, while primary elections, campaign expenditures, and populations of minor (other) party registered voters had statistically significant negative effects on turnout. Increases in ballot roll-off were associated with presidential year elections, and populations with more college degrees, higher median household income, and higher percentages of voters registered with no party affiliation or minor political parties. Roll-off decreased in primary elections. While various contextual, competition, and constituent variables had significant impact on both turnout and roll-off in Florida judicial elections, candidate characteristic variables had no significant impact on differences in voter turnout and ballot roll-off.
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Date Issued
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2018
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Identifier
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CFH2000296, ucf:45840
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFH2000296
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Title
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DIFFERENCES IN VOTE MARGIN OF CANDIDATES IN THE FLORIDA LEGISLATURE.
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Creator
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Stevens, Meghan L, Jewett, Aubrey, University of Central Florida
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Abstract / Description
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What explains differences in the margin of victory in Florida legislative races? Data is collected for all 160 legislative races from 2016 (120 house contests and 40 senate elections) and two sets of analyses are conducted: all races and just competitive races. When looking at all races, five variables are statistically significant in the multivariate model. District party registration difference has a positive effect on margin of victory and the greatest relative impact. Races involving two...
Show moreWhat explains differences in the margin of victory in Florida legislative races? Data is collected for all 160 legislative races from 2016 (120 house contests and 40 senate elections) and two sets of analyses are conducted: all races and just competitive races. When looking at all races, five variables are statistically significant in the multivariate model. District party registration difference has a positive effect on margin of victory and the greatest relative impact. Races involving two major party candidates have a much smaller margin of victory, a contest with a major party versus a minor party (or No Party Affiliation candidate) has a somewhat smaller margin of victory, and a race involving only a write-in candidate as an opponent has a wider margin of victory. House races had somewhat smaller margins of victory compared to senate races. When examining just competitive races (contests that had at least two candidate names listed for an office) only two variables were statistically significant in the multivariate model. District party registration difference had a positive relationship with margin of victory and races involving a minor party candidate as the main challenger had higher margins than contests between two major party candidates.
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Date Issued
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2018
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Identifier
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CFH2000443, ucf:45826
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFH2000443
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Title
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WHAT IMPACT IS FELONY DISENFRANCHISEMENT HAVING ON HISPANICS IN FLORIDA?.
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Creator
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Sanchez, Angel E, Wilson, Bruce, University of Central Florida
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Abstract / Description
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This research produces original empirical estimates of Hispanics in Florida's Dept. of Corrections (FDOC) and uses those estimates to measure the impact felony disenfranchisement is having on Hispanics in Florida. Research institutions find that data on Hispanics in the criminal justice system, particularly in Florida, is either lacking or inaccurate. This research addresses this problem by applying an optimal surname list method using Census Bureau data and Bayes Theorem to produce an...
Show moreThis research produces original empirical estimates of Hispanics in Florida's Dept. of Corrections (FDOC) and uses those estimates to measure the impact felony disenfranchisement is having on Hispanics in Florida. Research institutions find that data on Hispanics in the criminal justice system, particularly in Florida, is either lacking or inaccurate. This research addresses this problem by applying an optimal surname list method using Census Bureau data and Bayes Theorem to produce an empirical estimate of Hispanics in FDOC's data. Using the Hispanic rate derived from the empirical FDOC analysis, the rate of Hispanics in the disenfranchised population is estimated. The results reveal that FDOC systematically undercounts Hispanics (and overcounts Whites) by nearly 8 percent - i.e., there are over 2.5 times more Hispanics in FDOC data than actually reported by FDOC. However, even when applying the upward adjusted rate of Hispanics to the disenfranchised population, Hispanics are still underrepresented and less likely to be disenfranchised than their White and Black counterparts in Florida. This research provides an accurate up-to-date state of the data with respect to Hispanics in FDOC; it applies a surname method which other researchers can use to address lacking or inaccurate data on Hispanics in the criminal justice system; and it calls into question research that relies on FDOC's inaccurate race data. Taken together, these findings might facilitate answers to many pressing questions on felony disenfranchisement in Florida and its impact on the political process.
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Date Issued
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2017
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Identifier
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CFH2000216, ucf:46035
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFH2000216
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Title
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MUSIC AND THE PRESIDENCY: HOW CAMPAIGN SONGS SOLD THE IMAGE OF PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES.
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Creator
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Bogers, Gary M., Warfield, Scott, Burtzos, Alexander; Gennaro, Joe, University of Central Florida
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Abstract / Description
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In this thesis, I will discuss the importance of campaign songs and how they were used throughout three distinctly different U.S. presidential elections: the 1960 campaign of Senator John Fitzgerald Kennedy against Vice President Richard Milhouse Nixon, the 1984 reelection campaign of President Ronald Wilson Reagan against Vice President Walter Frederick Mondale, and the 2008 campaign of Senator Barack Hussein Obama against Senator John Sidney McCain. In doing so, there will be an analysis of...
Show moreIn this thesis, I will discuss the importance of campaign songs and how they were used throughout three distinctly different U.S. presidential elections: the 1960 campaign of Senator John Fitzgerald Kennedy against Vice President Richard Milhouse Nixon, the 1984 reelection campaign of President Ronald Wilson Reagan against Vice President Walter Frederick Mondale, and the 2008 campaign of Senator Barack Hussein Obama against Senator John Sidney McCain. In doing so, there will be an analysis of how music was used to sell the image of these presidential candidates through both its juxtaposition with other forms of mass media (television advertisements, radio, internet streaming platforms) and the content found in a song's lyrics. There will be an apparent shift in focus from candidates using original campaign songs written for the purpose of elections, toward a more prominent reliance on popular music of current and past eras. From original and politically direct works such as "I Like Ike" and "Click with Dick," to the campaign use of popular hits like Bruce Springsteen's "Born in the U.S.A." and Fleetwood Mac's "Don't Stop," I will demonstrate how presidential candidates and their teams found it beneficial to use notable music works in order to connect with a younger generation of voters. In conclusion, the reader will have gained enough understanding to realize how campaign music continues to play a role in the current political climate, demonstrating how far candidates have taken the use of music over the past sixty years.
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Date Issued
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2019
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Identifier
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CFH2000511, ucf:45635
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFH2000511
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Title
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The President's Party at the Midterm: An Aggregate and Individual-Level Analysis of Seat Loss and Vote Choice in U.S. House Elections.
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Creator
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Macdonald, David, Knuckey, Jonathan, Ilderton, Nathan, Lanier, Drew, University of Central Florida
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Abstract / Description
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This thesis provides a comprehensive analysis of midterm U.S. House elections using a multi-level research design. At the aggregate-level, multiple regression analysis is used to examine the variables that affect seat loss for the president's party. This integrates, updates and extends the extant literature of the topic, and offers a means of explaining and predicting seat losses by the president's party in the U.S. House. To further probe the findings at the aggregate-level, the thesis...
Show moreThis thesis provides a comprehensive analysis of midterm U.S. House elections using a multi-level research design. At the aggregate-level, multiple regression analysis is used to examine the variables that affect seat loss for the president's party. This integrates, updates and extends the extant literature of the topic, and offers a means of explaining and predicting seat losses by the president's party in the U.S. House. To further probe the findings at the aggregate-level, the thesis develops a pooled cross-sectional model of individual-level vote choice in midterm U.S. House elections using data from the American National Election Studies (1982-2002) and the Cooperative Congressional Election Study for the 2006 and 2010 midterm elections. Findings suggest that variables measuring the performance of the economy and realignment of the South toward the Republican Party affect seat loss at the aggregate level. However, at the individual level, economic evaluations exerted little influence on vote choice, above and beyond party identification, although perceptions of the national economy did appear to influence vote choice in the 2006 and 2010 elections. Future research might incorporate the strategic politician thesis into the explanatory scheme and move the analysis to elections for other political offices, such as U.S. Senate elections as well as state legislative and gubernatorial elections.
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Date Issued
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2013
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Identifier
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CFE0004883, ucf:49655
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0004883
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Title
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The Pre-Emptive Election: How the Mass Media Determine Winners and Losers in Presidential Primaries, 1988-2012.
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Creator
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Stewart, Josh, Pollock, Philip, Holsenbeck, Daniel, Lanier, Drew, University of Central Florida
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Abstract / Description
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The function of the mass media in the democratic process is crucial to an informed public and vital to a democratic system. One primary role of the media is that of gatekeeper between political candidates and the public. The influence the media has on the electorate is heightened during the primary process of presidential elections and even more so in the pre-primary season when a large majority of potential voters have yet to form opinions of candidates. The effects of the media in the pre...
Show moreThe function of the mass media in the democratic process is crucial to an informed public and vital to a democratic system. One primary role of the media is that of gatekeeper between political candidates and the public. The influence the media has on the electorate is heightened during the primary process of presidential elections and even more so in the pre-primary season when a large majority of potential voters have yet to form opinions of candidates. The effects of the media in the pre-primary season of politics play out in significant relationships where media coverage results in measurable increases in campaign contributions to the candidates included in this research, while the tone of content has no measurable influence. Although models that tested the ability to predict success in primaries failed to reach statistically significant levels, the raw data show high correlations between media coverage and candidate success.
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Date Issued
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2014
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Identifier
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CFE0005423, ucf:50407
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0005423
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Title
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A CUP OF TEA: A STUDY OF THE TEA PARTY CAUCUS IN THE UNITED STATES HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
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Creator
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Phillips, Stephen, Pollock, Philip, University of Central Florida
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Abstract / Description
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Over the course of the last few years, a new movement has taken the American political system by storm, the Tea Party. The movement has not only captivated our media but also the minds of ordinary Americans and political elites. According to popular consensus and academic opinion, the Tea Party is comprised of a group of conservative-leaning Republicans who want a smaller government and a lesser tax burden. This is what we think of the Tea Party, but is it true? It is perceived that Tea Party...
Show moreOver the course of the last few years, a new movement has taken the American political system by storm, the Tea Party. The movement has not only captivated our media but also the minds of ordinary Americans and political elites. According to popular consensus and academic opinion, the Tea Party is comprised of a group of conservative-leaning Republicans who want a smaller government and a lesser tax burden. This is what we think of the Tea Party, but is it true? It is perceived that Tea Party members differ significantly from their Republican colleagues in the House of Representatives, but do they? Do they truly represent the Tea Party philosophy and agenda? By creating an original data set on the Republican members of the United States House of Representatives, and examining variables such as the political lean, economic and employment make-up of a member's district, their endorsements and incumbency, as well as high priority legislative votes from the 112th Congress, I will be able to investigate the characteristics and tendencies of Tea Party Caucus members. Once one looks at the 242 member House Republican Caucus and further examines the sixty members of the Tea Party Caucus, the data shows that Tea Party Caucus members largely originate from safe Republican districts and have served in previous congressional terms. Analysis shows that Tea Party Caucus members do vary significantly from their House Republican colleagues when examining their districts, but do not vary as considerably when examining their voting patterns.
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Date Issued
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2012
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Identifier
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CFH0004151, ucf:44851
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFH0004151
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Title
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JUVENILE GREEN TURTLE (CHELONIA MYDAS) FORAGING ECOLOGY:FEEDING SELECTIVITY AND FORAGE NUTRIENT ANALYSIS.
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Creator
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Gilbert, Eliza, Ehrhart, Llewellyn, University of Central Florida
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Abstract / Description
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For the endangered green turtle, Chelonia mydas, a fundamental component of recovery and conservation is an understanding of its foraging ecology. Foraging optimality models suggest animals will select resources of high quality over those of low quality. For green turtles, this behavior is important, as sufficient quantities of nutritionally adequate forage items are necessary for growth and reproduction. One intrinsic element in the understanding of green turtle foraging ecology is to...
Show moreFor the endangered green turtle, Chelonia mydas, a fundamental component of recovery and conservation is an understanding of its foraging ecology. Foraging optimality models suggest animals will select resources of high quality over those of low quality. For green turtles, this behavior is important, as sufficient quantities of nutritionally adequate forage items are necessary for growth and reproduction. One intrinsic element in the understanding of green turtle foraging ecology is to identify and document the availability and quality of forage resources preferred by green turtles. The objectives of this study were: 1) determine whether juvenile green turtles showed a feeding preference by comparing prey items in the diet to the availability of those items in the habitat, 2) identify species for which there was selection or avoidance, 3) identify nutritional factors determining selection or avoidance of prey items, and 4) evaluate the nutritional content of the diet. This research was conducted by comparing lavage samples from juvenile green turtles to samples from benthic surveys within the habitat. To determine feeding preference, Ivlev's Electivity Index was used to compare ingested species of algae with those available in the habitat. Nutritional analysis of forage was conducted to identify possible nutrients relating to feeding preference. Juvenile green turtles selectively foraged on Chlorophyta and Rhodophyta. Results indicate that diet selection was based on nutritional content. Both the composite diet and the main diet item, Hypnea spp, had a higher gross energy value, were higher in protein, and lower in fiber than prey items that were avoided. Conservation of green turtles requires effective habitat management, which must be informed by an understanding and evaluation of the habitat. For juvenile green turtles, this study indicates that habitats dominated by Chlorophyta and Rhodophyta may be more important for the health of green turtle populations than habitats dominated by Phaeophyta.
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Date Issued
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2005
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Identifier
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CFE0000487, ucf:46355
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0000487
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Title
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A CONTENT ANALYSIS OF 2004 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION HEADLINES OF THE LOS ANGELES TIMES AND THE WASHINGTON TIMES.
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Creator
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McCluskey, Maureen, Costain, Gene, University of Central Florida
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Abstract / Description
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Previous research suggested Election 2004 involved many issue regimes and wedge issues (Kaplan, 2004; Drum, 2004; Fagan & Dinan, 2004). Preceding research proposed that the American perception of presidential candidates has been somewhat based on the mass media's increasing priming and agenda setting techniques (Scheufele, 2000; Kiousis & McCombs, 2004). Hence the research addressed two questions: Is there a bias for or against either candidate in the headlines of The Washington Times and The...
Show morePrevious research suggested Election 2004 involved many issue regimes and wedge issues (Kaplan, 2004; Drum, 2004; Fagan & Dinan, 2004). Preceding research proposed that the American perception of presidential candidates has been somewhat based on the mass media's increasing priming and agenda setting techniques (Scheufele, 2000; Kiousis & McCombs, 2004). Hence the research addressed two questions: Is there a bias for or against either candidate in the headlines of The Washington Times and The Los Angeles Times? If there is bias, which issues tend to produce the most positive, negative and neutral results? All election headlines from February to November 2004 that pertained to a specific candidate were recorded and analyzed. The researcher chose to study headlines because they convey the newsworthiness of the story and former research confirms that reader perceptions of a news account can depend on the headline (Pfau, 1995; Tannenbaum, 1953). This study utilized content analysis to assess the word choices and biases of the headlines of the two newspapers. The researcher created definitions for coding, trained two coders, and analyzed and discussed the results. The main findings were The Washington Times contained more headlines that were pro-Bush, while The Los Angeles Times contained more headlines that were pro-Kerry. The key issues that reflected bias included that candidate's campaign, homeland security, and values.
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Date Issued
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2005
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Identifier
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CFE0000550, ucf:46445
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0000550
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Title
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POLITICAL TRANSITION IN A POST-ARAB SPRING MIDDLE EAST: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF TUNISIA, EGYPT, AND YEMEN.
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Creator
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Martin , Dominic, Sadri, Houman, University of Central Florida
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Abstract / Description
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The Arab Spring that began in Tunisia and spread throughout the Middle East shook the region. These populous movements unseated authoritarian rulers whose power and position were well entrenched, potentially setting numerous countries on a path towards democratization. This project seeks to explain why the democratic transitions within the countries of Egypt, Tunisia, and Yemen have been largely unsuccessful. The large amounts of literature that flooded the academic forums through articles...
Show moreThe Arab Spring that began in Tunisia and spread throughout the Middle East shook the region. These populous movements unseated authoritarian rulers whose power and position were well entrenched, potentially setting numerous countries on a path towards democratization. This project seeks to explain why the democratic transitions within the countries of Egypt, Tunisia, and Yemen have been largely unsuccessful. The large amounts of literature that flooded the academic forums through articles and books are analyzed, providing numerous explanations as to why these transitions have been unsuccessful such as polarization, deadlock, sectarianism, violence, and institutional conflict. This literature focuses on either one or several of the above-mentioned explanations while not pinning down a central cause for these phenomena, since they are all present in all three cases. This paper asserts that the cause of this hindered transition is the emphasis that these States placed upon electoral democracy. An emphasis placed on elections during transition highlighted and exacerbated factors (polarization, deadlock, sectarianism, violence, and institutional conflict) already present in these societies but kept dormant under authoritarian rule. To illustrate this the initial transitional government, representative body elected, and executive is analyzed to show how each governing unit stressed elections before a constitution. The identification of an overarching cause for the lack of fruitful transition like this project seeks to accomplish is of great importance, filling a much needed gap in the literature of comparative Middle Eastern revolutionary studies; along with providing foreign policy makers a tool to craft more impactful policy.
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Date Issued
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2014
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Identifier
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CFH0004555, ucf:45216
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFH0004555
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Title
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EXPLAINING THE DIFFERENCE IN SUPPORT FOR PRESIDENT TRUMP AND SENATOR RUBIO IN THE 2016 ELECTION IN FLORIDA.
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Creator
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Miguez Devesa, Florencia, Jewett, Aubrey, University of Central Florida
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Abstract / Description
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What explains the difference between the county level vote received by President Donald Trump and U.S. Senator Marco Rubio in the 2016 Florida general election? Over the last couple of decades, Florida has earned a reputation for being a highly competitive state that impacts control of the White House and congress. As Florida's electorate becomes increasingly diverse, will the Democratic Party begin to win more often as their usual base grows, or will the Republican Party figure out a way to...
Show moreWhat explains the difference between the county level vote received by President Donald Trump and U.S. Senator Marco Rubio in the 2016 Florida general election? Over the last couple of decades, Florida has earned a reputation for being a highly competitive state that impacts control of the White House and congress. As Florida's electorate becomes increasingly diverse, will the Democratic Party begin to win more often as their usual base grows, or will the Republican Party figure out a way to remain competitive? The 2016 general election presents an opportunity to analyze the structure of support for two Republican candidates who represent different paths for the future of the Republican Party: Trump, who won Florida by just one percent, and seemingly alienated Hispanics and women with his comments and policy proposals; or Rubio, who won by about eight percent, a Cuban-American thought to be a fresh voice for the GOP and a bridge to Hispanic voters. Regression analysis is used to examine support for Trump and Rubio and also the difference in support between the candidates. The results indicate Trump did better in counties with larger percentages of lower educated whites, lower income households, and higher unemployment rate. Rubio performed better than Trump in counties with larger numbers of Cuban and non-Cuban Hispanics, women, and voters not registered with either major party. These results suggest that Democrats may gain ground in Florida over time if the Trump wing of the GOP takes over the party and if current population trends continue.
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Date Issued
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2018
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Identifier
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CFH2000373, ucf:45781
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFH2000373
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Title
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Social Media Usage by Municipal Elected Officials for Open Government Community Engagement.
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Creator
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Stoeckel, Sarah, Bryer, Thomas, Mitchell, David, Hu, Qian, Brown, Tim, University of Central Florida
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Abstract / Description
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As public administration has evolved with the technological advances in today's society, it can be challenging to ensure the demands of the public are being met in terms of efficiency, effectiveness, and engagement. Nonetheless, a focus on community remains at the forefront of public administration. When looking at technology and the community, the tool known as social media emerges. Social media has allowed people to interact in new ways and therefore, has allowed the government to interact...
Show moreAs public administration has evolved with the technological advances in today's society, it can be challenging to ensure the demands of the public are being met in terms of efficiency, effectiveness, and engagement. Nonetheless, a focus on community remains at the forefront of public administration. When looking at technology and the community, the tool known as social media emerges. Social media has allowed people to interact in new ways and therefore, has allowed the government to interact with citizens in ways they have not been able to in the past. In addition to attempting to modernize public administration, there has been an increased focus on building citizen trust through providing a more open government structure. The Open Government Directive issued by President Barack Obama focused on three tenets, which included transparency, participation, and collaboration. One of the ways government entities within the United States are strengthening these areas is through the implementation of various social media sites as a means to stay connected with citizens. With an increase of users utilizing social media tools for both information and connection, many government departments and agencies have incorporated social media use into their workplace as a function for their department. However, it is elected officials that are the ones who represent the citizens from their governmental role and thus, can aid in bridging the gap between citizens and government. Yet, there is little research on how elected officials, specifically in municipalities, are utilizing social media to connect with their constituents. This study discusses social media use by municipal elected officials and how it relates to open government community engagement. Open government community engagement is defined in terms of the three tenets of the Open Government Directive: transparency, participation, and collaboration encompassing the rungs of Arnstein's ladder of citizen participation. For this qualitative study, fifty-seven Florida municipal elected officials were interviewed regarding their social media use or lack thereof in terms of engagement with citizens. The interviews are followed-up with content analysis of social media sites. An ethnographic approach is utilized to uncover and develop common themes related to open government community engagement. The findings suggest while some municipal elected officials are utilizing social media well in terms of open government community engagement, there is a lack of clear understanding of social media use within the context of the Sunshine Law, as well as other barriers prohibiting utilizing social media for more of the participation and collaboration components. There are several reasons municipal elected officials opt to avoid social media altogether, while additional concepts related to open government limited engagement and closed government community engagement are explored. The concept of avoidance was addressed, especially as it pertained to the practical implications for both city administrators and elected officials.
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Date Issued
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2018
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Identifier
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CFE0007377, ucf:52083
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0007377
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Title
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Explaining the Support of the British National Party (BNP) in the 1999, 2004, and 2009 European Union Elections.
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Creator
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Willis, Jonathan, Kinsey, Barbara, Kim, Myunghee, Wilson, Bruce, University of Central Florida
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Abstract / Description
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In the past decade, there has been a surge of interest in extreme right Western European parties. Well-established parties such as the National Front (FN) in France, Vlaams Belang (formerly Vlaams Blok) in Belgium, and Lega Nord in Italy have been scrutinized. However, extreme right parties that have just recently begun to experience electoral successes such as the British National Party (BNP) have received less evaluation and discussion in the literature. Therefore, this study examines the...
Show moreIn the past decade, there has been a surge of interest in extreme right Western European parties. Well-established parties such as the National Front (FN) in France, Vlaams Belang (formerly Vlaams Blok) in Belgium, and Lega Nord in Italy have been scrutinized. However, extreme right parties that have just recently begun to experience electoral successes such as the British National Party (BNP) have received less evaluation and discussion in the literature. Therefore, this study examines the BNP's electoral fortunes in the European elections of 1999, 2004, and 2009. I explore the support for the BNP using the traditional variables of unemployment, education, income, and immigration. In addition to these variables, I examine how support for other parties present in Great Britain, such as the right-wing United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) and the center-right Conservative Party affects electoral support for the BNP. I find that support for other right-wing parties in Great Britain do exert an influence on BNP electoral fortunes (the UKIP a positive one, and the Conservative Party a negative one). I also find a strong negative link between BNP support and education and a weak positive one between BNP support and unemployment. However, income and immigration rates appear to have no effect on voter support for the BNP.
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Date Issued
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2011
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Identifier
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CFE0004179, ucf:49068
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0004179
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Title
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A CONTENT ANALYSIS OF ELITE U.S. NEWSPAPERSÃÂ' COVERAGE OF IRAN, 1979 AND 2005.
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Creator
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Kamal, Melissa, Akita, Kimiko, University of Central Florida
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Abstract / Description
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This study is a quantitative content analysis of the New York Times and Washington Post coverage of Iran during the period surrounding the Ayatollah KhomeiniÃÂ's ascension to power in 1979 as well as the period surrounding Mahmoud AhmadinejadÃÂ's election in 2005. The results showed that coverage of Iran in the elite American print media as it related to terror was higher in the period after Khomeini came to power and also in the period after...
Show moreThis study is a quantitative content analysis of the New York Times and Washington Post coverage of Iran during the period surrounding the Ayatollah KhomeiniÃÂ's ascension to power in 1979 as well as the period surrounding Mahmoud AhmadinejadÃÂ's election in 2005. The results showed that coverage of Iran in the elite American print media as it related to terror was higher in the period after Khomeini came to power and also in the period after AhmadinejadÃÂ's election than it was in the period immediately preceding their respective ascensions. The results also showed that there was more coverage of Iran as it related to terror in the year surrounding AhmadinejadÃÂ's election than there was during the year surrounding Ayatollah KhomeiniÃÂ's rise to power in Iran.
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Date Issued
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2010
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Identifier
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CFE0003077, ucf:48331
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0003077
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Title
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Tea Time: A Comparative Analysis of the Tea Party Caucus and House Republican Conference in the One Hundred Twelfth Congress.
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Creator
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Phillips, Stephen, Pollock, Philip, Ilderton, Nathan, Schafer, Mark, University of Central Florida
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Abstract / Description
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Following the historic election of Barack Obama, the largest overhaul of the nation's health care system since the Great Society, and with the country still reeling from the worst economic downturn since the Great Depression, a group of disenchanted conservative Republicans and elected leaders wary of government policy gave rise to a new political movement (-) the Tea Party. Since taking the American political system by storm in 2010, considerable research has focused on the electoral...
Show moreFollowing the historic election of Barack Obama, the largest overhaul of the nation's health care system since the Great Society, and with the country still reeling from the worst economic downturn since the Great Depression, a group of disenchanted conservative Republicans and elected leaders wary of government policy gave rise to a new political movement (-) the Tea Party. Since taking the American political system by storm in 2010, considerable research has focused on the electoral consequences of the Tea Party. Using an original dataset and the American National Election Study, I study the Tea Party Caucus at the elite level by analyzing roll call votes, incumbency, and endorsements, and at the mass level through an examination of congressional districts and constituencies. Findings show that members of the Tea Party Caucus and their Republican House colleagues are largely homogeneous. Exceptions to this include economic final passage votes, legislation receiving presidential support, district lean, census region, and presidential vote in congressional districts. Furthermore, evidence is seen that economic factors in members' districts affected the election of freshmen representatives in 2010, and that district variables strongly influence legislative voting behavior. Finally, discontinuity is discovered between the Tea Party movement at the mass level and the Tea Party Caucus at the elite level.
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Date Issued
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2014
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Identifier
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CFE0005229, ucf:50574
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0005229
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Title
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Electing or Appointing School District Superintendents in the State of Florida: A Comparison of Characteristics and Performance of Districts Led by Elected Superintendents Versus Districts Led by Appointed Superintendents.
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Creator
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Smith, Timothy, Johnson, Jerry, Doherty, Walter, Vitale, Thomas, Fritz, Ronald, University of Central Florida
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Abstract / Description
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Florida and Alabama are the only two states in the United States of America with school districts led by either elected superintendents or appointed superintendents. The other 48 states only have appointed superintendent-led school districts. The current study was conducted to examine the impact of the superintendent governance structure on student learning by analyzing differences in student achievement between Florida school districts led by elected superintendents and Florida school...
Show moreFlorida and Alabama are the only two states in the United States of America with school districts led by either elected superintendents or appointed superintendents. The other 48 states only have appointed superintendent-led school districts. The current study was conducted to examine the impact of the superintendent governance structure on student learning by analyzing differences in student achievement between Florida school districts led by elected superintendents and Florida school districts led by appointed superintendents. The conceptual framework of the study was the tension between democratic localism and professionalism. Dynamics associated with the conceptual framework are relevant to the current debate.This quantitative study included cross-tabulations of the superintendent governance structure by regions and by locale codes. Descriptive statistics were used to define differences between school districts with elected or appointed superintendents in the areas of enrollment, free/reduced lunch, ELL populations, test scores, and graduation rates. An independent samples t-test was used to further analyze the demographic variables. A one-way ANCOVA was employed to determine if the superintendent governance structure or the demographic variables were associated with variances in student achievement.Research findings indicated that appointed superintendent-led school districts performed slightly higher than elected superintendent-led school districts. However, the superintendent governance structure did not have a statistically significant relationship with student achievement. Instead, poverty, as measured by free/reduced lunch rates, had a statistically significant relationship with student achievement.
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Date Issued
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2019
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Identifier
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CFE0007727, ucf:52416
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0007727
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Title
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The people against the war-makers.
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Creator
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Browder, Earl, Communist Party of the United States of America
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Date Issued
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c1940
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Identifier
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370381, CFDT370381, ucf:5494
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/FCLA/DT/370381
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Title
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BLURRED (COUNTY) LINES: A COMPREHENSIVE ANALYSIS OF VOTING PATTERNS IN FLORIDA AT THE COUNTY AND REGIONAL LEVELS FROM 1950 TO 2012.
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Creator
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Yeargain, Tyler, Pollock, Philip, University of Central Florida
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Abstract / Description
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Over the last sixty years, voting patterns in the United States have changed dramatically, and this is especially true in the state of Florida. Though there is some literature in the field of political science that outlines the voting and election history of Florida and identifies some trends, this literature is extremely limited and is not comprehensive of the data that is available up to the present day. This study seeks to find Florida's voting patterns and to explain how they can be...
Show moreOver the last sixty years, voting patterns in the United States have changed dramatically, and this is especially true in the state of Florida. Though there is some literature in the field of political science that outlines the voting and election history of Florida and identifies some trends, this literature is extremely limited and is not comprehensive of the data that is available up to the present day. This study seeks to find Florida's voting patterns and to explain how they can be understood by both the casual observer and the political scientist. To do so, unique methodology was applied that used the "relative margin" of both a county and a region in a particular election to give the Democratic nominee's performance context both in the election in question and in history, by comparing the actual margin of victory or defeat of the Democratic nominee to the statewide margin of victory or defeat. This was an illuminating process that ultimately revealed some truths about the election history of Florida: the counties and regions most likely to vote for Democratic nominees in the 1950s and early 1960 are now among the least likely to do so, and the counties and regions most likely to vote for Republican nominees in the 1950s and early 1960s are now considered to be "swing" or "tossup" areas that are regularly and alternatively won by Democratic and Republican nominees. Additionally, the pattern of each region in how it voted in presidential elections was compared to forty seven other states in the country to provide further context as to how the election patterns can be understood in context.
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Date Issued
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2015
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Identifier
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CFH0004735, ucf:45344
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFH0004735
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Title
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Reexamining the Relationship Between Divided Government and Voter Turnout.
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Creator
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Beck, Heidi, Knuckey, Jonathan, Jewett, Aubrey, Lanier, Drew, University of Central Florida
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Abstract / Description
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This thesis reexamines the effect of divided government on voter turnout originally posited byFranklin and Hirczy de Mi(&)#241;o (1998), which suggested that each year of exposure to dividedgovernment resulted in a cumulative negative effect on voters leading to alienation and lowerturnout. It reconsiders this argument using more recent data, given that voter turnout in U.S.presidential elections (as measured by the Voting Eligible Population) has increased since 2000,even though divided...
Show moreThis thesis reexamines the effect of divided government on voter turnout originally posited byFranklin and Hirczy de Mi(&)#241;o (1998), which suggested that each year of exposure to dividedgovernment resulted in a cumulative negative effect on voters leading to alienation and lowerturnout. It reconsiders this argument using more recent data, given that voter turnout in U.S.presidential elections (as measured by the Voting Eligible Population) has increased since 2000,even though divided government has occurred during this period.This thesis also uses new data and methods to address concerns about the original aggregatelevelresearch design. The research question is tested at the individual-level of analysis todetermine if divided government does interact with political trust to lower turnout. Previousresearch assumed this relationship since there is no aggregate-level proxy for political trust. Byusing survey data from the American National Election Studies it is now possible to test the fulltheory.The aggregate-level models show that misspecifications in the research design of Franklinand Hirczy de Mi(&)#241;o resulting in multicollinearity, and in two instances autocorrelation, whichresulted in a failure to reject the null hypothesis. The individual-level models show that dividedgovernment interacts with low levels of political trust to increase voter turnout, falsifying theargument about the effect of divided government on turnout. Overall, the thesis suggests that theimplications of an aspect of the American political system that renders it distinguishable frommost other advanced-industrial democracies(-)divided party control of the executive andlegislative branches(-)should be reassessed. More generally, the thesis demonstrates theimportance of reevaluating hypotheses in political science with the most recent data and morerobust methods in order to establish whether those original hypotheses are still supported
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Date Issued
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2019
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Identifier
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CFE0007783, ucf:52363
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/ucf/fd/CFE0007783